GP 390 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs III

Context and Discovery ⓘ
The cemetery of Lillbjärs (or Lilla Bjärs, sometimes just Bjärs, also as Bjers), in Stenkyrka parish is one of the largest and most important grave fields on Gotland (RAÄ Stenkyrka 26:1; Lindqvist 1941/42 II, p. 118; Thunmark-Nylén 1995–2006 III:2, p. 627). It includes more than 1000 visible stone settings (rösen and other circular or almost circular stone mounds), as well as a ship-shaped stone setting from the Bronze Age (5 x 2.25 m), and a monumental (17 m in diameter) grave mound called ʻÄuglehaugʼ (or ʻUgglehaugʼ), which probably dates to the Migration Period. An old path of about 550 m leads through the entire area in an east-west direction. Many of the graves were robbed, and only a small number have been excavated, including about a dozen dating to the Viking Period. Remarkable features of the stone mounds are a surrounding dry-stone wall consisting of several layers of limestone slabs, as well as the frequent occurrence of grave orbs (large spherical stones) (gravklot), erected stone slabs, and picture stones in the immediate context of the (Vendel or Viking Period) graves (ibid. pp. 582–583). Lindqvist published nineteen picture stones from this grave field – GP 369–373, 377–381, 388–396, 429–431, 440 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs I–XIX.

“In November 1908, O. V. Wennersten reported in a letter to the National Antiquarian that a local, Emil Svensson in Tune, had discovered three picture stones on the ground belonging to Lillbjärs and taken custody of them. […] On this occasion, the antiquarian Emil Eckhoff visited the find place during the following summer and sent to SHM the stones [Stenkyrka Lillbjärs I–VI] as well as three fragments of another slab, which, however, did not clearly represent a picture stone. He also collected numerous large spherical stones (gravklot) […]. In 1911, [Fredrik Nordin] visited the site and was given more information by Svensson about the find place and the circumstances of the discovery of the stones […]. When [Fredrik Nordin] returned in 1913 to conduct excavations, Svensson in the meantime had moved away, and unfortunately, it turned out to be impossible to locate all the find places described by him” (ibid.). Nordin excavated a number of stone settings in 1913 as well as in the following summer and discovered eight more picture stones in situ (Stenkyrka Lillbjärs VII–XIV). Between 1910 and 1912, three more picture stones were reported to Gotlands Museum by Svensson and moved to Visby where they are still kept today (Stenkyrka Lillbjärs XV–XVIII). Stenkyrka Lillbjärs XIX was found later, in 1927.

Most of the picture stones from Stenkyrka church presumably came from the Lillbjärs cemetery as well. Nevertheless, the stock of picture stones from this site can by no means have been recorded completely, and there is good reason to believe that this grave field in the future will provide even more discoveries (cf. Lindqvist 1941/42 II, p. 118).

The stones I–VI were discovered by the worker Emil Svensson in 1908 and delivered to Statens Historiska Museum (SHM 13742) by antiquarian Emil Eckhoff in 1909 (Fornvännen 1909, pp. 253–354). The picture stone Stenkyrka Lillbjärs III was found near the road, in the southern part of the cemetery, “close to Söderlund’s farm” (Lindqvist 1941/42 II, pp. 118, 122). It lay at the southern edge of stone mound no. 8, close to the surface (Thunmark-Nylén 1995–2006 IV:2, p. 661; cf. Lindqvist 1941/42 II, p. 118). Elsewhere, however, Lindqvist notes that the slab lay about 2 m north of a small grave mound (1941/42 II, p. 122). Mound no. 8 (SHM 15227:8) was 2.5–2.8 in diameter and was surrounded by a wall of 4 to 6 layers of limestone slabs. It only contained a knife, charcoal, and bones of sheep.
GP 369 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs IV
GP 370 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs VII
GP 371 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs IX
GP 372 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs XIII
GP 373 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs XIX
GP 377 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs VIa
GP 378 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs VIb
GP 379 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs VIc
GP 380 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs VId
GP 381 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs VIe
GP 388 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs I
GP 389 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs II
GP 391 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs V
GP 392 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs VIII
GP 393 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs XIV
GP 394 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs XV
GP 395 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs XVII
GP 396 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs XVIII
GP 429 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs XVI
GP 430 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs XI
GP 431 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs XII
GP 440 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs X

Measurements, Material and Condition ⓘ
The slab represents a completely preserved mushroom-shaped picture stone which is in remarkably good condition. “Limestone slab, up to 10 cm thick at the base, up to 7 cm at the head. The obverse is even, the narrow sides are rounded towards the back. The reverse is rough and unworked. The stone’s total height is 86 cm, of which 73.5 cm are above the lower horizontal bar. The head is 40.5 cm wide, the neck 29 cm, and the base 45 cm” (Lindqvist 1941/42 II, p. 122).

Description of Ornament and Images ⓘ
“The decoration had been sketched out in fine, probably cut lines, whereupon the background field was chiselled about 1 mm deep” (Lindqvist 1941/42 II, p. 122). Such preliminary sketches can only be observed on those monuments whose surfaces are particularly well preserved (cf. ibid. I, pp. 42–43; repeatedly Hauck, in particular, 1957b; Eshleman 2000; Oehrl 2019a, pp. 67–68 and passim [regarding Hauck’s research see 68–86, 169–172, 286–287, and passim]). Good examples are GP 161 Halla Broa III, GP 162 Halla Broa IV, GP 388 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs I, and GP 258 Lärbro Tängelgårda I. Lindqvist (1941/42 II, p. 122) notes that “unfortunately, the contour lines were traced in ink by the finder – and in many places incorrectly. The result is clearly visible in several previously published photographs […].” All figures are remarkably detailed. In particular, the drapery of their garments and their faces are carved with fine lines and still well-preserved.

The stone is framed by a wide border with a complex interlace pattern. A simple horizontal band (with runic inscription, see VIII) divides the head and the neck of the stone from its lower part. The depictions in both image fields are described by Lindqvist 1941/42 II, p. 123: In the head field, there is an equestrian on a walking horse, turning to the right. The horseman wears a pointed helmet, a large shield with whorl pattern, and trousers gathered at the calves. A triple-symbol formed by three triangles is located behind the horseman’s neck. Another triple-symbol, formed by three drinking horns, is located above the horseman’s head. Each drinking horn’s narrow end pierces the broad end of another. Just next to the horse, in the right corner of the head, a woman is depicted, who seems to be standing on the horse’s right, raised foreleg. She faces the horseman and proffers a drinking horn.

The picture stone’s neck represents an approximately 10 cm high field without any chiselled background fields. The figure here is just carved or even sketched – a man in a knee-length tunic with belt, without clear headgear. He extends one hand and turns towards the right. Behind him there probably were once more figures, which now, however, are no longer identifiable. The lower edge of the neck field is formed by a simple horizontal border, consisting of two parallel lines, which contains the inscription (see VIII). The carved man is standing on the horizontal runic border.

The body of the stone, i.e., the monument’s lower half, is occupied by a ship with rounded stems with spiral terminals, a rudder on starboard, and a square sail uniformly framed on all four sides. The sail features a slightly inconsistent rhombic pattern formed by double lines. Above the railing emerge the torsos of two men each holding one sheet rope, the end of which forms a loop attached to a rope hanging from the sail’s lower edge. Below the ship’s rudder, a further triple symbol can be seen, representing a triangle with a semi-circular recess on each of its sides. Below the vessel, there are two huge waves breaking towards the right, in the direction of the ship’s movement, with crests stylised as interlace ornament.

The described depictions are easily discernible and documented by both photos of the painted stone and Olof Sörling’s drawing, reproduced in Lindqvist’s book (1941/41 I, figs. 104, 112; II, fig. 512). A collection of different photos of the painted and unpainted stone dating to the 1930s and 60s is kept in ATA (Run- och bildstenssamling).
GP 161 Halla Broa III
GP 162 Halla Broa IV
GP 388 Stenkyrka Lillbjärs I
GP0258

Interpretation of the Imagery ⓘ
Even if the images of the horseman’s welcome (adventus) on the Gotlandic picture stones can be traced back to Roman ideas, it must be assumed that those models were re-interpreted in the North (Vierck 1981). Since early research, the motif is assumed, on the basis of Old Norse literature, to depict the arrival of a slain warrior in Valhǫll – a valkyrie offers a welcome drink to the mounted newcomer (e.g. Nordin 1903, p. 150; Lindqvist 1941/1942 I, p. 96; Weber 1973; Ellmers 1973; 1980; 1986; 1995; Oehrl 2019a, pp. 47–50; 2020c, pp. 128–138). A stylised hall building that is supposed to represent Valhǫll can actually be seen on GP 21 Ardre Kyrka VIII and GP 5 Alskog Tjängvide I, where the new arrival appears to be sitting on the eight-legged horse of the otherworldly host, Óðinn. See also GP 94 Garda Bote, GP 209 Klinte Hunninge I, and GP 212 Klinte Hunninge IV (Klintebys), which represent the horseman with further conclusive details.

The common Valhǫll-interpretation of the horseman motif essentially is based on the Eiríksmál (and on the Hákonarmál by Eyvindr skáldaspillir Finnsson that draws on them), a song of praise for the Norwegian king Eiríkr blóðøx (blood axe), written after 954 (von See 1981c; Kreutzer 1989; 1999; Marold 1972; 2006, pp. 228–234). This skaldic poem tells of a fallen warrior’s festive arrival at and admission of into Óðinn’s Valhǫll. Óðinn wakes the einherjar, the dead warriors living in Valhǫll, and requests them to arrange for the hero’s arrival, to prepare the benches and wash the cups. The valkyries are tasked with bringing the wine: […] bað ec […] valkyriur vin bera […] (stanza 1, Finnur Jónsson 1912–1915 A I, p. 174; B I, p. 164; Whaley 2012, p. 1006). In the Eddic poem Grímnismál, numerous valkyries are called by name whose job it is to offer drinking horns and serve beer to the dead warriors in Valhǫll: […] þær bera einheriom ǫl (stanza 36, Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 64; cf. Gylfaginning 36, Faulkes 2005, p. 30).

A greeting by a valkyrie to a dead man on horseback in front of the hall of the fallen is known from literature at least indirectly. There is, for example, the welcome given to Atli by Guðrún after Gunnarr’s murder in Atlaqviða (stanzas 32–33, Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 245). This is, as shown by Wolf (1952, p. 101–102; 1965, p. 58–59; cf. von See et al. 2012, p. 336), fashioned according to a mythical model, in order to portray Atli as a doomed man: the poet calls Guðrún afkar dís, ‘terrible dís’, a term that can be regarded as a name for a valkyrie. The hall in front of which she welcomes the approaching horseman with a drink is called Valhǫll (stanzas 2 and 14). The Atlakviða appears to have been composed as early as the ninth century. At that time, the notion of the valkyrie welcoming the mounted warrior at the gates of Valhǫll with a drink already must have been very common.

Further indicators for a horse ride into the beyond are the triangular shapes over which the horse appears to step over on numerous picture stones. They are regarded as the fence that, as per Grímnismál (stanza 22, Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 61) and Lokasenna (stanza 63, Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 109), surrounds the realm of the dead (valgrindr, nágrindr) (Lindqvist 1941/1942 I, p. 99; Weber 1973, p. 95). According to Snorri, Sleipnir carries the god Hermóðr with a spectacular leap across this barrier (helgrindr) and thus into the kingdom of the dead (Gylfaginning 49, Faulkes 2005, p. 47). Frequently, the horseman is accompanied by a dog that precedes its master (e.g., GP 5 Alskog Tjängvide I, GP 94 Garda Bote, GP 209 Klinte Hunninge I). Whether the dog, as in many cultures of the ancient world, should be regarded as a psychopomp (e.g., Gräslund 2004) or a hound of hell (e.g., Weber 1973, p. 98), or rather as the man’s trusty companion in life as in death, must remain open. A kind of a northern version of Cerberus is in fact provided by the Eddic poem Baldrs Draumar (stanza 2–3, Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 277).

Also relevant here are figural bronze/silver pendants (and gold foil figures) that feature individual women with a drinking horn or a kind of cup in their hands (Helmbrecht 2011, pp. 121–123, fig. 23(a–l), cat. no. 86, 151, 153, 216, 227, 236, 525, 670, 725, 803, 811, 1013, 1034, 1049, 1173). The meaning of those figures is subject of controversy (Simek 2002, pp. 110–118; Plochov 2007; Helmbrecht 2011, 124–125; Heizmann 2015). In the light of the picture stones, they have frequently been considered as depictions of valkyries (e.g., Koktvedgaard Zeitzen 1997, pp. 10–11; Price 2002, 336–337; Vang Petersen 2005, pp. 76–77). Particularly important are those figural pendants that show an armed woman greeting a horseman and offering him a cup (Helmbrecht 2011, pp. 68–71, fig. 2(a–b)–3(a–e), catalogue-no. 256–258, 105, 174, 196, 258; Gardeła 2018, pp. 404–408, tab. 3, fig. 5). That at least these martial ‘receptionists’ and servers of drinks should be regarded as valkyries welcoming the slain certainly is the most plausible explanation (Vierck 2002, 24–26).

As the valkyries by no means represent the only women in the world of the dead, nor the only mythical givers of drinks, other – albeit less convincing – alternatives for the woman with the drinking horn on Gotland’s picture stones have been put forward. She could represent the goddess Freyja (Göransson 1999, pp. 230–231), of whom Grímnismál says that she receives half of the fallen: according to the poem, the dead take their seats in the goddess’ hall, which may be thought of as a banqueting hall (stanza 14, Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 60). It does not mention, however, that the dead are provided by the goddess with food and drink. But the woman with the drinking horn also could represent Hel, the goddess of the dead – Baldrs draumar indicates that mead was waiting for Óðinn’s dying son Baldr in Hel’s realm of the dead: Hér stendr Baldri / of brugginn mioðr, / scírar veigar (stanza. 7, Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 278) (cp. Kopár 2012, pp. 99–101). The motif of the lady with the drinking horn has also been linked to the dísir (Simek 2002, p. 117; cf. Hellers 2012, pp. 129–133) – a group of female deities who are well documented in literature yet remain enigmatic; probably fertility goddesses associated with the Roman cult of the Matres. Occasionally the Matronae of votive stones are holding a cornucopia. Also scarcely convincing is the suggestion that the woman was the valkyrie Brynhildr/Sigrdrífa (Staecker 2004, pp. 64–65; 2006, pp. 364–365; 2013, pp. 49–51), who passes a mead horn to the hero Sigurðr after he had awakened her from an enchanted sleep: Hon tóc þá horn, fult miaðar, oc gaf hánom minnisveig (Sigrdrífomál stanza 1–2 and prose part, Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 189). Gjessing believes the horseman is Óðinn and the woman with the horn the giant’s daughter Gunnlǫð, who serves him the mead of poetry (Gjessing 1943, pp. 78–80).

Apart from these considerations, the mythological character of the picture stones’ welcoming scenes has been called into question in general (Eshleman 2000, pp. 19–21; Ney 2007, p. 37; 2012). The proffering of a drinking vessel could be regarded as a universally valid formula of paying homage that derived from the eminent role of women in the drinking ceremonial of Germanic warrior retinues (Enright 1988; 1996).

In the context of the horseman’s welcome regarded a reception in the afterworld, the ships on the Viking Age picture stones are frequently considered as ships of the dead, vessels transporting the deceased into the beyond (e.g. Ebert 1919/20, pp. 188–189; Major 1924, p. 118; Almgren 1940, p. 32; Kreutzer 1988, p. 21; Ellmers 1973; 1986; 1995; Lindow 1993; Lamm/Nylén 2003, pp. 15–16, 22, 70; Hauck 1976a, p. 588; Egeler 2015, fn. 61; Oehrl 2019a, pp. 55–58; 2020c, pp. 151–166). The fact that the picture stones depict two different ways of travel into the world of the dead – by water and by horse – is explained by Ellmers in a way that is essentially plausible: according to him, boat ride and horse ride represent two consecutive phases in the deceased’s journey (cf. Lamm/Nylén 2003, p. 70; Hauck 1976a, p. 588; Althaus 1993, p. 139). The dead, he suggests, first must arrive by ship from the land of the living; having reached the shore on the other side, they continue their journey to Valhǫll by horse. The eight-legged horses on the stones GP 21 Ardre kyrka VIII and GP 5 Alskog Tjängvide I allegedly show that on his landing on the shore, the dead man is given the horse of his host, i.e., Óðinn’s horse Sleipnir. Here, Ellmers refers to the visit in 826 by the Danish king Harald Klak to Louis the Pious in Ingelheim; having landed on the shore of the river Rhine, Harald was received by Louis’ delegation, and as a special honour, the Emperor’s own horse was placed at his disposal for the ride to the imperial palace.

According to numerous scholars (Stjerna 1905, p. 114; Ebert 1919/20, pp. 185–188, 196; Major 1924; Müller-Wille et al. 1978, pp. 277, 285; Ellmers 1992, p. 99; Egeler 2015, fn. 491, 572), the fact that Pre-Christian Scandinavians believed in a transmarine afterworld and a ship of the dead is proven by Vendel Period and Viking-Age ship burials as well as boat-shaped stone-settings (Müller-Wille 1968/69; 1974; 1995; Müller-Wille et al. 1978; Capelle 1986; 2004a; 2004b). In support of the thesis of a ship of the dead (Egeler 2015, pp. 113–180), it is argued in the case of the famous ship burial at Oseberg on the Oslofjord (dated 834) that the vessel in the grave appeared to have been ‘staged’ as being ready to put to sea; with its mast, rudder, and oars all prepared, with the anchor stowed on board, and with the ship (temporarily) moored to a bollard stone (Ebert 1919/20, p. 188; Major 1924, p. 147; Herschend 2000, pp. 143, 146, 148; Egeler 2015, pp. 147–148). The coins (including three unminted planchets) retrieved from the Anglo-Saxon royal ship burial at Sutton Hoo in East Suffolk (about 625) were interpreted as Charon’s pennies for the entire crew, as their number exactly matched the number of the oarsmen (Grierson 1970; cf. Müller-Wille et al. 1978, pp. 274, 276–277; Egeler 2015, pp. 149–150). In any case – and this is a serious indicator – the obolus custom, well documented in Germania since the third century, including Viking-Age Sweden, clearly refers to a concept of a transmarine world of the dead that can be reached by boat (Ebert 1919/20, p. 186; Gräslund 1965/66; Müller-Wille 1968/69, p. 148; Steuer 2002; Egeler 2013b, pp. 10–15).

Unlike in Greco-Roman or Celtic antiquity, in the North the belief in a ship of the dead is documented only sparsely in literature (Grimm 1968 [1875–1878], pp. 693–697; Müller-Wille 1968/69, pp. 126–129; Althaus 1993, pp. 141–146; Egeler 2015, 114–135). Most sources mentioned in this context describe burials in a boat, but without clear reference to a journey into the beyond. One of the more applicable instances is Snorri’s account of the burial of the god Baldr (Gylfaginning 49, Faulkes 2005, 46 f; Lorenz 1984, 567-574; Lindow 1997, 69-100) which, at least in essence, traces back to the Húsdrápa by skald Úlfr Uggason from the tenth century (Finnur Jónsson 1912–1915 A I, pp. 136–138; B I, pp. 128–130.). It tells how the body of Óðinn’s son Baldr, together with his horse, is submitted to the sea in a burning ship. After the boat burial, it is related how Baldr’s brother Hermóðr talks to the guardian of the bridge leading across the underworld river Gjǫll (Gjallarbrú). She tells him that dead Baldr had crossed the bridge on his horse and ridden into the realm of Hel. Obviously, Baldr had travelled to the underworld in the burning ship and changed to the horse on the shore of the world of the dead (Egeler 2015, pp. 114–118). This corresponds to Ellmers’ suggested sequence of a journey into the beyond shown on the Gotlandic picture stones that combines travel in a boat and on horseback.

Also, reference must be made to the ship Naglfar, which, according to Snorri, during Ragnarǫk takes Loki and the giant Hrymr with the ‘sons of Muspell’ and an army of the dead (Heljar sinnar, ‘Hel’s companions’) to the fight against the gods (Gylfaginning 51, Faulkes 2005, 50; Vǫluspá stanza 50–51, Neckel/Kuhn 1983, pp. 11–12). It is generally accepted that the ship’s name means ‘ship of the dead’ or ‘ship of corpses’ (Lie 1954, pp. 153–154; De Vries 1959, p. 404; Müller-Wille 1968/69, p. 141; Egeler 2015, p. 128). That Naglfar also played a role independent from the Ragnarǫk myth, as a means of transport for the deceased, is probable (Krohn 1912; Major 1924, p. 127; Stjerna 1912, p. 115; Simek 2004, p. 78; Simek 1982; Egeler 2015, p. 128). Another reference to a transmarine world of the dead, on the shores of which the dead disembark, is provided by Vǫluspá, stanza 38 (Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 9; cf. Gylfaginning 52, Faulkes 2005, p. 53), by the toponym Nástrǫndr, ‛beach of the dead’ or ‛beach of corpses’ (Stjerna 1912, p. 113; Müller-Wille et al. 1978, p. 285; Ellmers 1986, pp. 348–349; Egeler 2015, pp. 125–126).

Furthermore, Vǫlsunga saga (written down in the thirteenth century) relates how an old ferryman (Óðinn) transports the body of the hero Sinfjǫtli across a lake in a barge (Waser 1898, pp. 3, 7–8; Heide 2011, p. 61; Egeler 2015, pp. 128–129). The barge with the dead hero disappears and does not reappear again (ch. 10, Finch 1965, pp. 18–19). This account also is found in the prose text Frá dauða Sinfiotla in the Codex regius (Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 162). Not least because Sinfjǫtli’s rapture was recognised as one of several parallels between the saga and Arthurian epic poetry (Baesecke 1940, pp. 282–284, 286–287; Finch 1965, p. XXXV fn. 10; Egeler 2015, pp. 129–130), this reference should be handled with care. Of some interest in this context, however, is Gísla saga Súrssonar, written in the thirteenth century (Björn K. Þórólfsson/Guðni Jónsson 1943, p. 56). Its author tells of a burial in a boat, which is then covered by a mound. During the burial proceedings, a heavy rock is placed in the boat, probably with the aim, as is suggested by the context, to weigh down the vessel to such a degree that it cannot put to sea. Apparently, this was meant to prevent the journey of the interred person to the world of the dead (Rosén 1918, pp. 128–129, 166; Egeler 2015, pp. 121–125; differently Wiberg 1937; cf. Müller-Wille 1968/69, p. 137).

Only Skjǫldunga saga explicitly describes the burial in a ship as a journey to the realm of Óðinn (Major 1924, pp. 129–130; Müller-Wille 1968/69, pp. 129–130; Lindow 1997, pp. 85–86; Egeler 2015, pp. 118–119). Sigvardus boards the ship while alive, as rather than growing old, he rather wishes, in the manner of the ancestors, ‘to visit King Óðinn (i.e., the underworld) with royal splendour’ – [...] regali pompa Odinum Regem (id est inferos) invisere malle [...] (Jakob Benediktsson 1950, p. 463). This, however, is to be learned only from the saga’s Latin summary by Arngrímur Jónsson from 1596, while the saga itself, which probably was written about 1200, has not survived except for a few fragments (Acker 2007).

This, in essence, is the quite limited literary basis of the thesis of the ship of the dead in Pre-Christian Scandinavia. As the texts mentioned either do not explicitly allude to a boat ride into the realm of the dead but only hint at it, or were written at a comparatively late date, the existence of a concept of the ship of the dead in the pagan North is doubted in general by several scholars, and consequently, the ship imagery of the Gotlandic picture stones is interpreted in a different way – as pictures taken from the real life of the deceased person in whose honour the stone was erected, meant to glamorise the lifestyle of a warrior elite or celebrate the dead individual as a skilled seafarer, or refer to his death in a foreign country, while on a trade journey or in a sea battle (Lindqvist 1940, p. 55; 1941/1942 I, p. 92–93, 101; 1962, p. 22; von See 1981a, p. 118; Buisson 1976, p. 86; Holmqvist 1976, p. 566; Stenberger 1977, p. 342; Lindow 1993; Althaus 1993, pp. 137–182).

Little attention is paid in this discussion, however, to the fact that as early as in ‘Abschnitt’ A, there is iconographic evidence for the importance and function of the rowing boat as a vessel of the dead – see GP 350 Sanda kyrka IV and GP 428 Stenkyrka kyrka 46. On the Stenkyrka fragment, a flying spear marks the crewed rowing boat as belonging to the realm of death. In this way, we also should probably interpret the missile above the small ship on the Viking Age (Type C/D) picture stone GP 253 Lärbro St. Hammars I as a ‘spear of death’. The Viking Age (Type C/D) fragment GP 339 Rute St. Valle 2 probably represents Óðinn, god of the slain, accompanying the ship of the dead and marking it with his spear. See the relevant articles for more detailed information and bibliography (here only the most relevant literature: Oehrl 2019a, pp. 57, 105–120, 227–242; 2020c, pp. 157–158; in print a).

The figure behind the horseman of Stenkyrka Lillbjärs III, composed of three triangles, occurs on a number of late-type picture stones. It is known under two different terms – Norwegian/Swedish/Danish valknut (also valknude, valknop) and the Old Norse term Hrungnis hjarta (Hellers 2012, pp. 40–50). The first is not recorded before the beginning of the 18th century and refers to different kinds of knot- and loop-like symbols in Scandinavian folk art, in particular, those which are commonly described as ʻquatrefoil knotsʼ (Vierpassknoten, fyrpass). The etymology of valknut is unclear but usually interpreted as representing an Old Norse term valknútr which can be translated as ʻknot of the slainʼ. The Old Norse term Hrungnis hjarta (ʻHrungnirʼs heartʼ) originates from Snorri Sturluson’s Skáldskaparmál (ch. 17), written down around 1220. Snorri retells the myth about the god Þórr and his fight against the giant Hrungnir, who is described as having a special kind of heart: “Hrungnir átti hjarta þat er frægt er, af hǫrdum steini ok tindótt með þrim hornum svá sem síðan er gert var ristubragð þat er Hrungnis hjarta heitir” (Faulkes 1998, p. 21) – ʻHrungnir had a heart that is renowned, made of solid stone and spiky with three points just like the symbol for carving called Hrungnirʼs heart has ever since been madeʼ (Faulkes 1987, p. 78). The actual reason for depicting the giant’s heart on picture stones and other artifacts, however, remains unclear. Furthermore, it cannot be assumed with certainty that the connection between the symbol and the Hrungnir myth established by Snorri is based on ancient tradition.

The possible meaning of the so-called Hrungnis hjarta or valknut and other kinds of ʻtriangle signsʼ or ʻtriple symbolsʼ on late type picture stones, most of which are more-or-less triskele-like, has been discussed extensively by Hellers 2012, pp. 100–186 (with previous interpretations and relevant literature; see also Main 2020, pp. 31–34, 41, 44, 78–79 appendix 2). There may be a connection to the sphere of death and the supreme god Óðinn (who is also god of the fallen) since these signs mostly occur close to those motifs which are commonly regarded as depicting the afterlife journey (horseman, ship, and others; see in particular GP 258 Lärbro Tängelgårda I, GP 120 Grötlingbo Barshaldershed 6, GP 341 Sanda kyrka I) or sacrificial scenes (GP 59 Buttle Änge V and GP 253 Lärbro St. Hammars I).

There is a certain proximity between those picture stone triple symbols and the triquetra. The triquetra is a widespread decorative element in early medieval art, which in Christian contexts is mostly regarded as symbol of the Trinity (Traetteberg 1974; Moltke 1974; see also Main 2020). Possibly, the Gotlandic ʻtriple symbolsʼ are inspired by Continental or Western triquetra symbolism.
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GP0094
GP0209
GP 212 Klinte Hunninge (IV) (Klintebys)
GP 350 Sanda kyrka IV
GP 428 Stenkyrka kyrka 46
GP 253 Lärbro Stora Hammars I
GP 339 Rute St. Valle 2
GP0258
GP0120
GP 341 Sanda kyrka I
GP0059

Runic Context and Comments ⓘ
The indecipherable inscription (G 268) has been characterized as mixture of older futhark runes and short-twig runes (ibid. and Snædal 2002, p. 48). Without doubt, the d-rune, clearly representing an older futhark rune, is carved two times on the stone, as well as the u-rune and probably the þ-rune, which occur in both the older and the younger futhark. Those characters of the Lillbjärs inscription which are supposed to represent clear short-twig runes, however, are difficult to discern and remain uncertain (Källström 2012, pp. 123–124). Therefore, it is imaginable that the entire inscription is executed in older futhark runes. Whatever the case, as the old d-rune is used, the inscription was probably carved before the early 9th century. However, it is entirely possible that certain older futhark runes were in use even longer on Gotland, until the 10th or even 11th century (Gustavson/Snædal 2013, Stenkyrka p. 6; cf. GP 111 Gothem kyrka 4 [= G 157]; GP 244 Lokrume kyrka [= G 252]; GP 76 Eskelhem kyrka; see Oehrl 2019a, p. 279). Those characters could also be regarded as division markers or para-script characters of other function (cf. Imer 2012, p. 117).
GP0111
GP 244 Lokrume kyrka
GP 76 Eskelhem kyrka

Type and Dating ⓘ
Mushroom-shaped late-type ʻdwarf stoneʼ. Lindqvist (1941/42 I, p. 44) assigns it to his ʻAbschnittʼ C which he dates to the time around AD 700. Current research, however, tends to date those monuments roughly to between the 8th century (or rather around AD 800) and the 10th century. According to Martin Rundkvist’s (2012) typology, the stone’s shape represents Type dwarf4, which occurs in his periods 4 (Late Vendel Period), 5 (Early Viking Period), and 6 (Middle Viking Period). According to Varenius’ ship typology (1992, pp. 69–74 and appendix 2), the rigging of the ship depiction belongs to his group III (segelskepp med skot i hanfot), which he dates to the 9th or 10th centuries. Lisbeth Imer (2004, p. 104) dates the stone to after AD 750 or even after around AD 800 (2012, p. 117). The shape of the horse, in particular the shape of its head with its characteristic frame is reminiscent of Salin’s Style II and thus could be regarded as an indication of a date before AD 800. The runic inscription seems to point to the period between the 8th and the early 9th century, whereby a dating to the 10th century cannot be ruled out runologically (see VIII).

References ⓘ
Fornvännen 1909, pp. 253–354; Lindqvist 1941/42 I, pp. 44, 75–78, 80, 82, 94, 102, figs. 104, 111–112, 114–115; II, pp. 118, 122–123, fig. 512; Helmbrecht 2011, p. 485 cat. no. 834; Hellers 2012, pp. 66–67, fig. 12, pl. 4a; Gustavson/Snædal 2013, Stenkyrka pp. 5–8; Kitzler Åhfeldt 2013a, p. 64; 2015, pp. 399, 418, figs. 38, 42; Oehrl 2019a, pp. 13, 24, 67, 275–277, 279, 291, figs. 4a, 32f, 331c–e; 2020c, fig. 15.

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