GP 368 Stenkyrka kyrka IX

Context and Discovery
Regarding the discovery, Lindqvist (1941/42 II, p. 117) notes: “Fragment of a picture stone that in 1936 was taken charge of by M. Stenberger. At the time, it was lying on the grass of the cemetery, on the north side of the church. As it was not covered by moss and lichen, it probably had been found there a short time before during some excavation.” In Stenbergerʼs report, however, it is said that the slab was lying in the churchyard just next to the northern churchyard wall (ATA dnr 3609). The carvings were traced with paint by Sune Lindqvist right after the stoneʼs discovery in 1936.

According to Guta saga (ch. 3; Peel 1999, pp. 10–11), a wooden church at this spot was the very first church building in the entire northern part of Gotland. It was replaced by a stone church in the first half of the 12th century, the foundations of which were discovered beneath the flooring of the current church, which was built during the 13th century (on the building’s architectural history, see Roosval 1911, pp. 84–86; 1914, p. 1–52, esp. 21–24; Lagerlöf/Svahnström 1991, pp. 239–243). Sune Lindqvist (1941/42 II, pp. 115–118) lists nine picture stones from Stenkyrka church. By contrast, the list put together by Jan Peder Lamm in 2003 contains no fewer than 40 new discoveries (Lamm/Nylén 2003, nos. 238–276, 425, 426). The unusually large number of stones found not only in the church, but in the entire parish, is an indicator of the politically and religiously important position that Stenkyrka probably already held even before the first church was built (Roosval 1914, p. 5). Many of the new finds from the church were discovered during large-scale restoration works, which were carried out in 1954/55.

Measurements, Material and Condition
“Limestone slab, about 10 cm thick. The obverse is smooth and slightly curved. The narrow sides are hewn for a width of about 7 cm, at right angles towards the obverse. A chamfer, not quite 1 cm wide, is between the narrow sides and the obverse. The reverse is rough and unworked. Just above the base, the width is 45 cm, at the upper broken edge, it is 44 cm. The surviving part of the field is approximately 37 cm high. Decorated with fine, shallow, chiseled lines and with background fields that were carved 1–2 mm deep.” (Lindqvist 1941/42 II, pp. 117–118). Both narrow sides are preserved; however, the upper part as well as the root of the picture stone are broken off. The slab is more or less rectangular. The carvings are remarkably fine and well-preserved.

Description of Ornament and Images
Lindqvist (1941/42 II, p. 118) describes the carvings very briefly: “In the middle, what probably is the body and tail of a bird can be seen, to each side of it are Style II animal ornaments. Further down are two different borders with band patterns.”

The body, wings and tail of a Style II raptor appear to be depicted, with serpent-shaped Style II ornaments to each side of it. Further down, two horizontal borders are placed, a short one with a zig-zag pattern and a longer one with a ribbon (twisted cord) pattern at the bottom. The bird is situated in the centre and framed in a way that makes it seem almost emblematic. It is portrayed frontally, with its small wings protruding from each side of the body, and a tail consisting of a loop with crossed legs. Unfortunately, the head of the bird is missing. Suitable parallels can be found among the group of Migration Period and Early Medieval bird brooches.

However, as the animalʼs body and wings are very slim, and as a further wing-like extension can be seen in the otherwise destroyed head area of the ʻbirdʼ, pointing downwards, it is possible that this figure should be regarded as a fish-like creature with two pairs of fins rather than a raptor. Those sea creatures frequently occur on Migration Period gold bracteates but in particular among the Vendel Period shield mounts (Dickinson 2011, figs. 6c–d, 7a–f, 8a–e, 10a) – the specimens from the 7th century Anglo-Saxon princely ship burial at Sutton Hoo (Suffolk, East Anglia) represent the best parallel to the Stenkyrka figure (ibid. pl. 2c, figs. 7e, 10a, the latter also features a loop-shaped tail as the Stenkyrka creature, while the loop with crossed legs normally represents the folded wings of animal-style raptors, not their tail). On the other hand, the additional extension could be regarded as the stylized neck feathers of a raptor, as occasionally depicted in Style II, including the raptor-shaped shield fitting from Sutton Hoo (Hauck 1983a, p. 534).

There is only one more Type B picture stone featuring the depiction of a raptor – stone no. IV from Stenkyrka church. In this case, the figure represents a typical Style II image of a striking raptor in profile, right above a sailing ship. It seems as if the giant raptor attacks the vessel as though it was a prey animal. Migration Period bird brooches and raptor-shaped fittings from the Vendel Period are as close parallels. For more information see GP 365 Stenkyrka kyrka IV.
GP 365 Stenkyrka kyrka IV

Interpretation of the Imagery
Hauck (1983a, pp. 534–535) interprets both the striking Style II raptor shown in profile on GP 365 Stenkyrka kyrka IV and the emblematic en face depiction of a ʻraptorʼ on GP 368 Stenkyrka kyrka IX as depictions of the chief god Wodan/Óðinn, acting in the shape of an eagle. This interpretation is based on his research on the iconology of the Migration Period gold bracteates (Hauck 1972, pp. 52–53, 56–58, 64–65, fig. 8, pl. I, 1a–b, pl. III, 3a–b, pl. IV, 4; 1982c, p. 322, fig. 3a; 1986b, pp. 294–296, figs. 5–6), the older futhark inscription on the Eggja rune stone, and Old Norse literature.

The Eggja rune stone (NiæR 55) was found in 1917 during ploughing near the farm Eggja (Eggjum) in Sogndal kommune, Sogn og Fjordane county (today Vestland county). The slab covered a 7th-century burial, the inscription facing downwards. The runic inscription is badly preserved and its meaning controversially discussed. It appears to be written in metrical form, and thus regarded as an exceptional early piece of skaldic poetry. Most runologists agree that the inscription reflects a kind of ritual which was performed when the grave slab was carved, probably including a curse against potential grave robbers. In addition, according to runologist Wolfgang Krause (KJ 101), the inscription contains the following sequence: ʻAs who came the army-god hither onto the land of warriors? A fish swimming out of the terrible stream, a bird screaming into the enemy band.ʼ The term ʻarmy-godʼ hæráss is recorded in Old Norse poetry as a name (heiti) of the god Óðinn. Thus, according to Krause’s interpretation of the Eggja inscription, this deity comes to the land of the living in shape of a fish or an eagle probably in order to take the deceased to the afterlife. However, it must be stressed that the transliteration and actual meaning of the inscription is still disputed and unclear in many respects (see in particular Høst 1986).

There are numerous birds to be observed on the gold bracteates, which are frequently interpreted as ravens, although many of them have large, hooked beaks indicating raptors. In most cases, the birds closely accompany the central human figure, which should be regarded as an indigenous deity, probably the chief god, Wodan/Óðinn. The birds’ heads are intimately turned toward the god’s face, as if they would communicate with each other (Hauck 1977a; Heizmann 2007b, pp. 19–32; Pesch 2018, pp. 435–436). Frequently, the god’s headgear turns into a bird of prey. Occasionally, it seems as if the entire human figure merges with that of a bird (Hauck 1972) while some bracteates only depict the raptor, without any human features. Occasionally, it attacks a strange reptile-like monster (IK 413 Bohuslän-D) or a fish-like creature (IK 33 British Museum-C)..In Hauck’s opinion, those raptors represent Óðinn fighting animal-shaped demons (Hauck 1986a, p. 493, fig. 3; cf. IK 616). The eagle who kills a serpent is a wide-spread symbol representing divine victory over the evil (Wittkower 1939, pp. 294–325). Zeus/Jupiter also is frequently depicted in shape of an eagle, fighting a snake, and this motif is also adopted by Christian tradition, as symbol of Christ who defeats the devil (Oehrl 2015a, p. 481; 2020d, p. 460).

According to the medieval written sources, Odin is indeed able to turn into an eagle, and some of the god’s numerous names refer to his affinity with the raptor – he is called Arnhǫfði (ʻthe eagle-headedʼ) or just Ǫrn (ʻeagleʼ) (Falk 1924, p. 41; Ellmers 1970, pp. 264–271, 275–277; Hauck 1972; 1980a, pp. 245–246, 267, 281, 283–285; 1982c, pp. 321–323; 1986b, pp. 278–280; 1988, pp. 34–36; Dickinson 2011, pp. 648–647). In order to escape from the giant Suttungr after he had stolen the mead of poetry, Óðinn took shape of an eagle (Skáldskaparmál 1 – Faulkes 1998, pp. 3–5; Hávamál stanzas 13, 14, 104–110 – Neckel/Kuhn 1983, pp. 19, 33–34; Berudrápa stanza 56 – Sigurður Nordal 1933, p. 276). Against this background, the runic inscription on a bracteate from Revsgård in Denmark (Jutland, IK 145) is of particular interest. A short sequence ara (Old Norse ari), probably meaning ʻeagleʼ, is clear and legible (Nedoma 2018, p. 1590). Unfortunately, the runic sequence on the opposite side of the god’s head remains less clear. However, it possibly contains the word haitika, a present tense first-person singular form of a verb that means ʻto be calledʼ. As a result, the inscription could be understood as: Ara haitika ʻEagle I am calledʼ or just ʻI am Eagleʼ – a self-proclamation of the runic writer or rather of the supreme god Odin himself (Düwel 2015 [1984], pp. 163–164; Oehrl 2020d, p. 455).

As a result, Hauck regards the Style II raptors depicted on the Type B picture stones from Stenkyrka church as mythological representations, as epiphanies of the supreme god Wodan/Óðinn, possibly acting as a psychopomp, a guide for the dead. Perhaps, on the stone no. IV, the god aims at the ship of the dead, taking possession of the vessel, and accompanying its crew to the world of the dead? However, the basis of this interpretation is rather sparse, the argumentation hypothetical.

Images of raptors and corvids (it is hard to differentiate between both species as they seem to merge into one another, iconographically and semantically, see Pesch 2015a, 382–388) in Late Iron Age and Viking Period art can easily be linked to the Skaldic ʻbeasts of battleʼ topos (Oehrl 2020d, 455–457). In numerous accounts of battles in Old Norse (as well as Anglo-Saxon) poetry, the wolf, the raven, and the eagle are mentioned – they feast on the slain, eating the corpses on the battlefield and drinking the blood of fallen warriors in the aftermath of battle (Beck 1970, pp. 55–67; Honegger 1998; 2017; Jesch 2002; Albert 2014, pp. 129–195). A very common kenning for fighting and killing enemies in battle is, for instance, ʻto feed the eagleʼ (ǫrno seðia). Raptors (or corvids) in the context of combat and killing, which are undoubtedly associated with the literary ʻbeasts of battleʼ motif, are depicted on the Type C/D monuments GP 253 Lärbro St. Hammars I, and GP 258 Lärbro Tängelgårda I.

Theoretically, the bird images from Stenkyrka could also be interpreted as valkyries in the shape of crows or ravens. The affinity between the valkyries and carrion-eating birds is well-recorded in Old Norse literature (Egeler 2011, pp. 68–70). Apart from a number of other common features, corvid affinity links the Old Norse valkyries with female demons of death in the Celtic world and in the Mediterranean, particularly the Keres, Harpies, and Erinyes, who are associated with carrion-eating birds. The Erinyes appear as bird-human hybrid creatures that in Old English glossaries are designated wælcyrige, a term equivalent to the Old Norse valkyrja (Egeler 2009; 2011). Actually, some of the raptors which Hauck regarded as representations of Óðinn, he later interpreted as ornithomorphic demons of death (e.g., Hauck 1988, 34). On valkyries in shape of aquatic birds see GP 341 Sanda kyrka I, GP 91 Fröjel Bottarve, GP 120 Grötlingbo Barshaldershed 6.

However, possibly, the fragmented animal depicted on Stenkyrka kyrka IX represents a fish-like aquatic creature rather than a bird of prey (see VI). As noted before, similar sea creatures occur on the Migration Period gold bracteates, occasionally attacked by a raptor. In Hauck’s opinion, those raptors represent Óðinn fighting animal-shaped demons (1986a, p. 493, fig. 3). In this way, he also interprets the group of raptor-, serpent-, and fish-shaped Vendel Period shield mounts (1980a, pp. 274–286; 1982c, pp. 321–328). However, there are alternative, perhaps more plausible interpretations to be considered (Dickinson 2005, 152–160; Dickinson 2011, 644–650) – an eagle striking a fish on the shield of an Anglo-Saxon warlord of the 7th century could be regarded as a Christian symbol. Alternatively, predators including eagle, serpent and fish of prey can easily be understood as martial signs and military insignia, without any religious connections. Regarding fish-shaped demons in pagan and Christian contexts, see also GP 110 Gothem kyrka III.
GP 365 Stenkyrka kyrka IV
GP 253 Lärbro Stora Hammars I
GP0258
GP 341 Sanda kyrka I
GP0091
GP0120
GP0110

Type and Dating
Middle-type picture stone, which means a Type B ʻdwarf stoneʼ, dating between AD 500 and 700. Based on the animal-style elements, the dating of Stenkyrka kyrka IX can be specified to the period between the late 6th century and about AD 700. According to Lindqvist (1941/42 I, p. 117), the best parallels to the stoneʼs ornamentation can be found in jewelry dating to the very late 7th century. Thus, the stone is of particular importance for his dating of ʻAbschnittʼ B. Lindqvist (ibid. pp. 36–37) assigns it to his Sandegårdagruppe, named after GP 340 Sanda Sandegårda I, which is characterized by a convex head with strongly pronounced corners and rich decoration. The Sandegårda stone also features Style II ornament including very similar snake heads, which Nylén, on the basis of Gotlandic grave finds, dates to “around 600 or slightly later” (Lamm/Nylén 2003, p. 46).
GP 340 Sanda Sandegårda I

References
Gotländskt Arkiv X, 1938, p. 109, fig. 10 (Meddelanden); Lindqvist 1941/42 I, pp. 37, 89, 116–117; II, p. 116–117, figs. 47, 53; Hauck 1983a, pp. 534–535, pl. XVIII.40; Guber 2011, p. 144 cat. no. 70; Oehrl 2019a, p. 11, pl. 2k; in print b.

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