GP 341 Sanda kyrka I
mer grejer
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Parish Find Location ⓘSanda
Find Location ⓘSanda churchyard
Find Context Classification ⓘChurchyard
Coordinate Find Location (lat) ⓘ6369749
Coordinate Find Location (long) ⓘ693500
Present Location Classification ⓘHistoriska Museet
Coordinate Present Location (lat) ⓘ6581391
Coordinate Present Location (long) ⓘ675775
MaterialLimestone
Height ⓘ164
Width ⓘ90
Thickness ⓘ15
Lindqvist Type E (ca. 1000-1150)
Lindqvist Shape Cist stone
Runic Inscription or not ⓘYes
Runic Inscription ⓘ: roþuisl : aug : farborn : auk : kunborn :
Runic Swedish
Hroðvisl ok Farbiorn ok Gunnbiorn.
English
Hróðvisl and Farbjǫrn and Gunnbjǫrn.
Quote from Runor
Context and Discovery ⓘFound in 1863. According to Pehr Arvid Säve (Samlingar III, p. 417), stone No. I was found in 1863 in the cemetery, about 40 ells (c. 24 m) south of the church nave and about two ells (c. 1.2 m) below ground. There it had lain among a number of rough building stones that belonged to a rectangular building of about 10 square ells. GP 344 Sanda kyrka II and GP 345 Sanda kyrka III (No. II and No. III in Säve’s description) also were discovered among these building stones (Lindqvist 1941/42, pp. 107–110; GR II, p. 114). It was suggested that the small building was a belfry (Lindqvist 1964, p. 90).
P. A. Säve visited Sanda on the 4th and 5th of November 1863, when he made a drawing of the stone on the first day and immediately informed his brother Carl Säve about the find. After this, the stone appears to have been forgotten until Hugo Pipping re-found it in 1900, leaning against the churchyard wall and overgrown with lichen. After this, the information is contradictory. According to Sveriges runinskrifter, the stone was still leaning against the churchyard wall when Pipping returned in August 1902 for a more thorough investigation, but the stone was then moved and placed leaning against the southern church wall (GR II, p. 114). However, a note in the newspaper Stockholmstidningen 19 October 1900 reported that the stone had been examined by O. Wennersten and H. Pipping. The note further tells that the stone had been taken care of by the vicar Herlitz and leaned against the church wall, but that it had not been noticed by runologists and archaeologists until recently. The stone was covered by lichen and only a few runes had been visible, but a careful cleaning revealed a short but complete runic inscription as well as two groups of people and beautiful ornament (Stockholmstidningen 19 October 1900). In a letter to an unnamed addressee, dated in Uppsala 30 October 1900, Pipping mentioned that he could now send the promised account of the Sanda-stone, along with a photo (ATA).
An inventory card at ATA repeats the information that the stone was found in the churchyard, two ells deep in the ground, together with an older picture stone (inventory card in ATA, SHM 13127). In addition, the inventory number SHM 13127 also includes two medieval grave slabs with runic inscriptions. The two picture stones are included in an inventory list as number 21, and the two grave slabs as number 22. An excerpt of a protocol dated 16 May 1905 states that it was decided at a church meeting in Sanda to accommodate the wish of the Historical Museum in Stockholm to purchase all four stones for a sum of 100 kronor (ATA; see also GR II, p. 114). According to Sveriges runinskrifter, the stones were included in the collections in 1907 (GR II, p. 114). However, according to Sune Lindqvist our stone was brought to the Historical Museum only in 1927, and GP 344 and GP 345 were still standing in the cemetery when Lindqvist wrote (Lindqvist 1941/42, pp. 107–110). The stone was examined by runologist Otto von Friesen on 16 July 1934 (von Friesen 1934).
The first known drawing is by P. A. Säve in his Reseberättelser from 1863 (Säve 1863, p. 208). A more accurate rendering was made in an undated drawing by Olof Sörling. A photo in ATA by Elsa Sörling shows the stone in whole, with its substantial root. In another photo, marked “Kort nr 169”, the sunken surface of the relief carving and the runic inscription are coloured with red, but most probably the colouring was made on the photo and not on the stone. Additional photos were made by Hugo Pipping in 1902, Harald Faith-Ell in 1933 and Sören Hallgren 1966 (Run- och Bildstenssamlingen ATA).
The present medieval church had a predecessor, witnessed by the stone frieze plates dated to c. 1030–1070 AD that are inserted into the façade in a confused order (BeBR; cf Roosval 1942, p. 140–142). Johnny Roosval dated the first church to 1058 AD (Roosval 1942, p. 157). In total, 11 picture stones have been found in Sanda parish (GP 340 – 350), seemingly covering the whole picture stone period.
LKÅGP 344 Sanda kyrka IIGP 345 Sanda kyrka IIIGP 340 Sanda Sandegårda IGP0342GP0343GP 346 Sanda Sandegårda IIGP0347GP0348GP0349GP 350 Sanda kyrka IV
Measurements, Material and Condition ⓘLimestone. Width at the lower part of the ornamented section 0.90 m, total height including the root 1.64 m. The height of the ornamented surface is 0.62 m. Thickness 0.15 m. The height of the runes is 5 cm (GR II, p. 114–115).
“The upper half of the obverse is hewn almost smooth and polished, with the horizontal ground edges remaining clearly visible. The lower half is rough and uneven. At the upper edge, the narrow sides are hewn flat for a width of about 7 cm at right angles towards the obverse. The same is the case regarding the left and right narrow sides, but here, the width is only between 2 and 4 cm, and the narrow sides were chamfered at about 135° towards the reverse. The reverse itself is rough and unworked. At the lower edge of the decoration, the stone’s width is 90 cm, 88.5 cm at the upper corners. From the lower edge of the decoration to the slab’s left corner post, the height is 37 cm, to the top 62 cm. The stone’s total height is 1.64 m” (Lindqvist 1941/42 II, pp. 107–108).
On one of the photos from 1902 by Pipping, there is a dark zone on the stone beneath the carving surface, c. 0.5 m wide, below which the root is lighter. This probably was caused by partial cleaning of the stone. In the middle of the 20th century, Karl Hauck made a latex cast of the carving surface (Oehrl 2017, p. 74, Taf. 38b). A 3D-scan was made in 2008 as part of a research study at Stockholm University (Kitzler Åhfeldt 2013). In 2013, an RTI analysis was conducted by Sigmund Oehrl (Oehrl 2016; 2017).
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Description of Ornament and Images ⓘThe stone is described by Lindqvist in Gotlands Bildsteine as follows.
“The decoration was sketched out in fine lines that subsequently were deepened and broadened into 1–2 mm deep grooves with a slightly obtuse-angled cross section. Afterwards, the background field was chiselled down to almost the same depth and then smoothed.
Imagery: At the very top is a slightly more than 1 cm wide frame, which obviously is meant to represent the floor and walls of a house, and inside it, on the left, a woman sits in a Klotzstuhl holding one hand in front of her mouth. On the right, a man sits in what probably also is a Klotzstuhl. Like the woman, he has long hair that falls down beyond the nape of his neck, and his hand grasps – with the thumb visible just above the fingers – the shaft of a spear that is held just above his hand by a person standing in the middle. This latter person is clad in a long coat, the tails of which are parted by the arm holding the spear. On his head, the standing person wears a massive headgear or helmet(?) with projections both forwards and backwards. The spearhead is lanceolate. The back of the standing person is touched by the beak of a bird that thrusts its head and its long neck through an opening in the wall behind the woman, and whose body, however, remains outside of that wall.
Below this are three persons moving towards the left. The one in front is a man with conical headgear, the tip of which has a tassel falling down the back. In his hand, this man holds a spear with rhombic head. At least to the modern observer – i.e., apart from the possible meaning of the fashion for their interpretation – the two other walking persons rather seem to look more like young girls than like men. The person in the middle has the same long neck hair as the two persons sitting further up. This person holds aloft an object the contours of which, though slightly crooked, are most reminiscent of a spade. The person at the back also probably had similar long hair as the person just described, who brandishes an object that is bent over smoothly towards the top and – at least nowadays – has a pointed end. Hugo Jungner tried to prove that this object is an axe and supported this suggestion with a line in the background field that probably is the result of a stroke of a chisel. Similar marks can be observed in several places in the background field, which for the most part was chiselled away. The notch in question, therefore, can hardly be considered proof that the curved object originally had a wide end and needs to be interpreted as an axe. Behind the head of this third person, there is a round object with a concave and partly knobby surface. This obviously has to do with the fact that the stone slab had a natural indentation that ran from here to the top right, which was impossible to remove completely during the polishing. Below this roundel, which Jungner interpreted as a ‘sun’, a field can be seen with four corners pointing upwards, most probably a burning fire. This field rests on a horizontal base (an open hearth?)” (Lindqvist 1941/42 II, pp. 107–109).
Above the pictorial scenes, following the arched edge of the stone, is a runic inscription in a band. Below and on the sides, the pictorial scenes are surrounded by rune stone ornament in Ringerike style, with tendrils that tie the rune band. There are drilled separation marks in the runic inscription, as well as drilled endpoints on some of the branches. Drilled endpoints and separation marks are typical Gotlandic features, see GP 355 Sjonhem kyrka I (G 134).
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Interpretation of the Imagery ⓘThe imagery on the Sanda stone consists of two scenes, the upper scene with three people in a building and the scene in the middle with a short procession of three carrying some kind of implements. The interpretations range from profane, epic tale, cult practice, funeral or legal action in relation to the transaction of land, which varies whether the figures are interpreted as men, women or gods. Short processions similar to the on the Sanda stone also appear GP 3 Alskog kyrka, GP 201 Hemse Annexhemman I and GP 91 Fröjel Bottarve.
Carl Säve suggested that the three men in the upper field are the men mentioned in the inscription. In Säve’s interpretation, the figure to the left is a king, Hróðvisl. The man in the middle is the king’s man, Farbjǫrn, receiving a spear from the kneeling Gunnbjǫrn. In the lower scene, the procession is led by Farbjǫrn with a spear, followed by a man with a club, or possibly a music instrument, and finally by a man carrying a gong (the disk) on his back – alternatively he blows a horn, and the disk might be a medallion for a name (Jungner 1930, p. 65 note 2; Staecker 2004, p. 44). In contrast to Säve’s profane interpretation, George Stephens attributed a more religious significance of the stone; he regarded the motifs as heathen and pointed out the cult site continuity, with churches in heathen cult areas (Stephens 1866–1901 II, p. 777; Staecker 2004, p. 44). Alexander Bugge linked the stone to Old Norse mythology and the Völsunga saga, and he recorded the following attempt at interpretation by Sophus Bugge: the woman in the chair is Svanhild, Sigurd and Gudrun’s daughter. The standing man is Oden, who gives to old Jormunrek the spear with which to kill his son Randve (Bugge 1904, p. 233; cf Lindqvist 1941/42 II, pp. 108). This interpretation of the spear has been contradicted by Beata Böttger-Niedenzu, who found it improbable based on Snorri’s account, where Jormunrek instead had his son hanged (Böttger-Niedenzu 1982, p. 71).
In Hugo Jungner’s eschatological interpretation of the motifs, Sanda I was interpreted as a Valhalla scene and a cremation funeral, and the men with the tools in this context should thus be relatives caring for the funeral pyre (Jungner 1930, p. 69; cf Böttger-Niedenzu 1982, p. 76; Oehrl 1917, p. 6). He interpreted the sitting man in the building as Oden and associated the building and the individuals within it as Valhalla, Oden and Frigg (Jungner 1930, p. 68–69; Staecker 2004, p. 44–45). In Jungner’s view, the bird can be an Anser albifrons, i.e., an Oden’s swallow or a black stork, because these species in folk belief were regarded as the birds of Oden (Jungner 1930, p. 78). He further suggested that the scene with two men holding their hands on a spear may refer to an oath-taking ritual, in this case the dead warrior in Valhalla swearing fealty to his new lord (Jungner 1930; Oehrl, 2020c, p. 148). Jungner interpreted details of the procession below as attributes of the walking figures, from left to right, as spear, spade/club, and hammer/axe (Jungner 1930, p. 69ff.).
Another line of interpretation was followed by Sune Lindqvist, who tentatively suggested that the procession might have been a part of an agrarian rite in which the row of people was led by an old man carrying a spear, followed by two young girls carrying a shovel and a sickle (Lindqvist 1964, p. 76). Due to the pointed end of the last object, Lindqvist objected to Jungner that it cannot be a hammer nor an axe. Instead, he suggested that it is a sickle. He was uncertain about the round object and mentioned a number of possibilities, such as a pot, the sun, the moon or a bread (Lindqvist 1964, p. 76; Nylén/Lamm 2003, p. 60). Although he described the upper scene in detail, he did not seem to have offered a coherent interpretation of it. He had, though, the impression that both the bird and the woman individually try to influence (warningly?) one of the men to the right (Lindqvist 1941/42 II, pp. 107–110).
J. O. Plassman for his part identified the scenes as concerned with a legal act of transaction of land (Plassman 1959, pp. 240ff.; cf Nylén/Lamm 2003, p. 60). Plassman, and following him Eric Oxenstierna, interpreted the scene as a custom concerned with the transferal of land from an old father to his heir. The family’s fylgia, in the shape of the bird, stretches its head through the wall, and the mother with her hand before her mouth expresses grief (Plassman 1959, pp. 240ff.; Oxenstierna 1959, p. 198). Thus, the stone was placed on the property functioning as a title deed, stating in pictures that the act had been properly executed (Plassman 1959, p. 250).
Birgit Arrhenius’ interpretation is concerned with religion, and she sees a connection between power symbolism and fertility cult. Thus, the symbols on the Sanda stone can be regarded as fertility and power symbols carried forth to a god. On GP 341 Sanda kyrka I and GP 3 Alskog kyrka, women sit on the chairs and the scene is combined with short processions of three people carrying some kind of tools (see also GP 201 Hemse Annexhemman I). Arrhenius’ interpretation of the scene on Sanda I is that the men bring forth symbols of fertility and power to a god, who sits opposite to the woman, and that the spear that is handed over can be understood as a traditional symbol for royal power (Arrhenius 1961, pp. 152–154; Böttger-Niedenzu 1982, pp. 75–76; Staecker 2004, pp. 45, 54).
Staecker suggests, as an alternative, an interpretation from a Christian perspective, namely that three walking people delivering a gift in a house can be associated with the three holy kings’ travel and arrival in Bethlehem, i.e., the epiphany motif (Staecker 2004, p. 46). He points out that the time of the production of the Sanda stone, within the period of Christianisation, makes an interpretation within a Christian context possible. He especially compares the Sanda stone to the Franks Casket, dated to c. 700–750 (Staecker 2004, p. 46f). On this casket, the star is represented by a triquetra. Staecker further compares the Sanda stone to the Gotlandic baptismal fonts from the 12th century, where he indicates that several details are in accordance with the Sanda stone. For example, he finds it remarkable that a triquetra was placed between the scene of the arrival of the kings and the stable in Bethlehem on fonts from Gerum and Väskinde (Staecker 2004, p. 54–55). However, the bird represents a problem in this interpretation, as does the absence of the newborn Christ himself (Staecker 2004, pp. 48, 56).
How to fit in the bird in the various interpretations has aroused several suggestions. Hauck interpreted the bird as a valkyrie in the shape of a swan (Hauck 1982d, p. 259; see Oehrl 2017, p. 53). Böttger-Niedenzu suggests a parallel to Icelandic sagas where birds sit on the roofs of the halls (Böttger-Niedenzu 1982, p. 71). Staecker objects that in the sagas, the bird is seen is a threat and that attempts are made to catch or kill it, which is not the case on the Sanda stone (Staecker 2004, p. 71 note 10). In Staecker’s interpretation, the long, stretched necks of the horse and the ox on the fonts from Gerum and Grötlingbo, stretching their heads into the stable, are analogous to the bird with the long neck on the Sanda stone (Staecker 2004, p. 55). Oehrl, on the other hand, interprets the bird as a psychopomp, escorting the warrior to the lord on the throne in the realm of the dead (Oehrl 2017, p. 53, 58). According to Oehrl, the bird stretching its neck into the building signifies that it is a mythical scene (Oehrl 2020c, p. 147). A close parallel is to be found on GP 3 Alskog kyrka, with a woman sitting on a chair and a bird stretching its neck into the building. However, while on the Sanda stone, a man stands with a spear, on Alskog kyrka there seems to be a dead body stretched on the floor in front of the seated woman. That this is a parallel to the Sanda stone is underlined by the processions occurring on both stones (Oehrl 2012, p. 96; 2017, p. 54; 2020c, p. 148).
The round chair shaped from a tree trunk (German Klotzstuhl; Sw. kubbstol) is a type of furniture known from ethnographic collections as well as from prehistory (Salin 1916, p. 78; Lindqvist/de Geer 1939). Similar chairs can be seen on the picture stones GP 282 När Hallute (G 93), GP 3 Alskog kyrka and GP 61 Buttle Änge. Lindqvist compared the chairs on the picture stones to a chair from Sauland in Norway, which he suggested might be a piece of Viking age furniture – however, it was dendrochronologically dated to late Middle Ages (Lindqvist/de Geer 1939, pp. 106, 122, 130). In an article about miniatures, Arrhenius mentioned Viking age miniature chairs made of silver, bronze and amber, found in graves, hoards and as loose finds. Up to the time of Arrhenius’ contribution, miniature chairs with round shape in burial context were known only from female graves, for example from Birka and Ihre on Gotland (Arrhenius 1961, p. 149–150). We may infer by their use as amulets or jewellery that such chairs carry some significant meaning. Arrhenius suggested that they are symbolic thrones for worldly or spiritual power (Arrhenius 1961, p. 156).
Concerning the shape of the stone and its suggested use as a cist stone, cist stones are suggested to have a particular relationship to women. There may be a connection between the shape of the wagon basket and the shape of the cist stones (Snædal 2004, p. 60; 2010, p. 446; Böttger-Niedenzu 1982, pp. 46ff; see GP 360 Sproge kyrka). At first, Lindqvist too regarded the cist stones as memorials for women (Lindqvist 1941/42 I, p. 59), but later he turned to regard them as cists for votive offerings and suggested that the cist stones might show events in the neighbourhood (Lindqvist 1964, p. 82; Böttger-Niedenzu 1982, p. 18, p. 79). He noted a parallel for the shape of the stone to GP 201 Hemse Annexhemman I (G 57), GP 15–18 Ardre kyrka (G 114) and GP 167 Halla Unsarve (G 141). Pipping, too, grouped the Sanda stone with the Ardre stones GP 15–18, and dated it to not later than the middle of the 11th century (Pipping 1905, p. 46).
The inscription mentions three male names; Hróðvisl, Farbjǫrn and Gunnbjǫrn. The first name, Hróðvisl, also occurs on the picture stone-shaped runestone GP 355 Sjonhem kyrka I (G 134) as well as on the famous runestone from Pilgårds in Boge (G 280) (GR II, p. 115). Hróð- (Sw. Rod-; praise, notoriety) is the most common name element on Gotland (Snædal 2004b, p. 36, p. 39). Lindqvist indicated that the inscription contained only the beginning of a sentence spread out over two – or more probably four – stone slabs belonging together (Lindqvist 1941/42 II, pp. 107–110), but this cannot be ascertained from the inscription (GR II, p. 115). Magnus Källström noted that our stone belongs to a small group of small-sized picture stones and gable stones with long-branch runes that is geographically confined to southern Gotland (Källström 2012, p. 120).
The grooves have been analysed by using the 3D-data recorded in 2008 (mentioned above; Kitzler Åhfeldt 2013). The stone was included in a comparison between the carving techniques used on Gotland and the Swedish mainland, where it was compared to other E-stones on Gotland as well as with 11th century runestones on the Swedish mainland. The result suggested that in the first half of the 11th century, the carvers on Gotland followed their own craft traditions and had little contact with the mainland runestone carvers concerning the practical matter of stone carving (Kitzler Åhfeldt 2019, p. 104).
The 3D-model from 2008 also reveals thin sketch lines; to the right, beginning where the name kunborn (Gunnbjǫrn) starts (with a k-rune), the runic band was sketched closer to the edge of the slab, but this was corrected so the runic band turns more sharply downwards. The same can be observed on the left side, where a sketch line is visible in the first three runes of the name roþuisl. Returning to the right side, we can also note that the carver forgot to make room enough for the branch of the u-rune in kunborn, which had to be crammed in. This has the effect that the branch of the n-rune was placed unusually high on the main staff. It is interesting that corrections and faulty planning by the end of the inscription likewise can be observed on the cist stone GP 201 Hemse Annexhemman I (G 57), which often has been quoted as a parallel due to the pictorial similarities with the disk and the short procession.
LKÅGP0003GP 201 Hemse Annexhemman IGP0091GP 282 När HalluteGP0061GP 360 Sproge kyrkaGP 15 Ardre kyrka IGP 16 Ardre kyrka IIGP 17 Ardre kyrka VGP 18 Ardre kyrka VIGP 167 Halla UnsarveGP 355 Sjonhem kyrka I
Type and Dating ⓘType E, cist stone. Pr2, ca 1020–1050 (Gräslund 2006, p. 126). Snædal includes the stone in her Ardre group, sepulchral monuments in the form of picture stones with runic inscriptions along the edge and pictorial elements in the middle (Snædal 2002, p. 67; cf Gustavson 2012, p. 113).
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References ⓘP. A. Säve 1863 Berättelser, p. 208; Gotländska samlingar 3 (1856–1867), p. 417; Gotländska samlingar 5 (1878), p. 627, p. 653; Stephens 1866–1901 II, p. 777; A. Bugge 1904, p. 233; Jungner 1930, pp. 6582; Lindqvist 1941/41 II, p. 107, Fig. 171, 177, 224 b, 480; 1964; Plassmann 1959, pp. 240251; Nylén/Lamm 2003, pp. 60–61; Staecker 2004.
Kyrkogården
Nuvarande förvaringsplats
SHM, vikingautställningen.
Datering
Sen vikingatid, ca 1020-1050 e.Kr.
Beskrivning
Bildsten med runinskrift som troligen utgjort en del av ett gravmonument, möjligen en del av en kista. Bildstenens motiv utgörs av ett hus eller en kammare med tre figurer, varav två sittande och en stående i mitten. Ovanför den sittande gestalten till vänster sträcker en långhalsad fågel in sin hals och vidrör den stående gestalten i mitten med näbben. Den stående gestalten i mitten vänder sig till den sittande gestalten till höger, båda håller i samma spjut. I scenen nedanför ser vi en kort procession med tre vandrande gestalter som bär olika redskap. Bakom dem finns ett runt föremål samt en formation med fyra uppåt pekande spetsar. Ovanför bilderna finns en runinskrift i ett välvt band, som knyts samman vid ändarna av ett rundjur i Ringerikestil. Bilderna omsluts därmed av runbandet ovanför, samt av rundjuret nertill och på sidorna. Inskriften utgörs endast av tre namn, men det går inte att avgöra om den har fortsatt på någon ytterligare sten.
Inskrift:
Rodvisl och Farbjörn och Gunnbjörn.
Tolkning
Flera olika tolkningar har föreslagits för de två bildscenerna på Sandastenen. Den övre scenen, med tre gestalter inne i en byggnad, har i en äldre tolkning föreslagits vara de tre personerna som nämns i runinskriften. Den har även tolkats som en del av Völsungasagan, med Svanhild sittande till vänster och en stående Oden som räcker ett spjut till Jormunrek, som sitter till höger. En annan tolkning föreslår att scenen äger rum i Valhall, där den avlidne krigaren svär trohet till Oden.
Den nedre scenen, med processionen med tre personer som bär på någon slags föremål eller redskap, har föreslagits visa den dödes anförvanter vid gravbålet, en jordbruksrit eller möjligen en juridisk ceremoni i samband med marköverlåtelse. Gestalten längst till vänster synes bära på ett spjut, men vad de andra bär på är oklart. Sandastenen har också fått en kristen tolkning, där den antas visa stallet i Betlehem och de tre vise männen.
Det finns flera intressanta detaljer på stenen. Den långhalsade fågeln som sticker in huvudet i byggnaden har bland annat tolkats som en valkyria i skepnad av en svan och den kan även vara en psychopomp, d.v.s. en andlig följeslagare till dödsriket. Inne i byggnaden sitter två gestalter på kubbstolar, en stolstyp som även förekommer som vikingatida amuletter och därför har tillskrivits särskild betydelse.
LKÅ
TitleGP 341 Sanda kyrka I
Jan Peder Lamm ID212
Statens Historiska Museer ID ⓘ13127
Lindqvist Title ⓘSanda, Kirchhof I
Runverket ID ⓘG 181
LinksKungliga biblioteket
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