GP 34 Boge Laxarve 2

Context and Discovery
The fragment was discovered in 1956 in the small cemetery of Boge Laxarve near Gotland’s north-east coast, about 2.5 km south-west of Slite (for the archaeological context, see Thunmark-Nylén 1995–2006 I, p. 14; IV, p. 65). The investigation of the largely destroyed cemetery, directed by Greta Arwidsson, was carried out in 1948, 1949/1950, and 1955/1956. Overall, the area covers about 70 x 30 m and contains about 15 burial mounds and several stone settings. The stone was found in the undisturbed inhumation grave no. 16, which was dated to the early 11th century. The woman buried here had been laid to rest in a cist and equipped with the following grave-goods: an animal-head brooch dating to the early 10th century (an heirloom), three beads, a knife, two combs, two keys, a needle case with a needle, a jewellery chain, and some nails and iron rods. The picture stone fragment was used as part of a stone layer covering the cist (Rundkvist 2012, pp. 151–152). Within this stone packing, about ten smaller stone fragments were found that might have been part of the original monument as well. On inspection, however, no clear traces of work were found, and as their whereabouts today are unknown, this notion remains speculative. The discovery of the picture stone was published in 1962 by Sune Lindqvist in an article in “Gotländskt Arkiv”, which included a photograph in which the stone’s imagery was traced in paint (Lindqvist 1962, fig. 10; cf. Lamm/Nylén 2003, p. 55). Lindqvist provided no further information.

Measurements, Material and Condition
The fragment is limestone and approximately triangular, not exceeding 52 cm in height and 54 cm in width. It is broken on all sides so that there is no trace of the former outer edges to indicate the stone’s original contours. The material appears to be quite homogenous, with very few obstructive structures, such as small, cup-like hollows or spalling and ridges. The imagery, executed in bas-relief, is quite distinct, as outer contours of the figures are largely defined by clear and deep-cut lines. Moreover, the artist carved the background planes meticulously so that it appears as a rough, evenly grooved structure that is easily distinguishable from the raised fields (1 mm max.). There are virtually no indications of weathering on the even surface.

Description of Ornament and Images
Lindqvist (1962, fig. 10) offers a – very small – photograph showing the limestone slab after the background planes had been coloured in. (For a larger reproduction of the same original photograph, see Oehrl 2019a, pl. 307a). Lindqvist’s description also is very brief: “Of the two warriors, who are observed in front of the mast, are seen their shoulders and arms. Each holds a sword in his right, a shot in the left hand. In front of them, a square ’open-work’ plate, whose meaning I don’t know” (Lindqvist 1962, p. 19). Above the two warriors, there is an elongated, shapeless area, which may be interpreted as rigging or ropes, but more likely it is a larger object that hovers over the crew.

In the narrow field to the right of the mast, another faint figure can be made out. A larger image of the picture stone fragment provided by Lamm and Nylén features only the two warriors on board the ship, not the unclear figures to either side of the pair (2003, p. 55). Drawing on RTI images and 3D models, Oehrl thoroughly examined the stone and compared its images with those indicated by Lindqvist’s colouring, yielding the following results (2019a, pp. 257–259; pls. 308a–314b, 315d). Mast, yardarm, and the sail with its rhombic pattern – with alternately raised and sunken fields – are carved most carefully and are easily recognisable. To a large degree, the warrior figures on board of the ship can also be verified, according to Oehrl. The shape above them, however, remains dubious. Judging from the published photographs of the fragment, it is possible that the shape represents the vague remains of the ship’s rigging leading down to the sheet ropes in the men’s hands. The entire section above the two crew members with their swords, however, is covered with a regular pattern of the parallel grooves produced by the mason’s tools that chiselled the sunken surface of the background (ibid. pls. 313c–314), which speaks against the presence of figures or motifs in relief here. Similarly, the ropes that the warriors would hold in their hands cannot be confirmed; instead, the right warrior appears to be equipped with two swords.

Of particular interest is the field close to the right edge, to the right of the mast. In it, Oehrl was able to prove the presence of the figure of a woman, looking left, with clearly defined and pointed feet, a long dress, and an ample bust (ibid. pls. 310a–314b). The woman’s head is difficult to discern and has no indication of hair. Other elements under the figure indicated by Lindqvist’s picture cannot be verified, as that entire area is covered by chisel marks. The woman does not touch the ship but appears to hover over its deck or rails.

The rectangular object with vertical stripes at the ship’s bow can be confirmed, according to Oehrl, and identified as a stringed instrument, namely a lyre, as it also can be seen on the picture stone from GP 248 Lärbro Källstäde (more comprehensively, also regarding its symbolic meaning: Oehrl 2019a, pp. 259–262). Archaeological evidence for lyres of this sort is known from the 2nd to the 8th/9th centuries and has been found particularly in England, Germany, and the Netherlands (Bruce-Mitford 1983, pp. 611–727; Betz/Wanzeck 1999; Kolltveit 2000; Bischop 2002; Koch 2004). Most prominent are, for example, the complete instruments from the Alemannic row grave fields of Oberflacht (6th and first quarter of the 7th c.) (Paulsen 1992, pp. 147–155; figs. 126–127) and Trossingen (burial dated to AD 580) (Theune-Großkopf 2002; 2005; 2006; 2010), from a Frankish burial of high status underneath St. Severin in Cologne (early 8th c.) (Päffgen 1992 I, pp. 481–485; figs. 169–170; II, pp. 280–284; III, pl. 59:5), as well as the Anglo-Saxon royal burial at Sutton Hoo (7th c. [AD 624/625?]) (Bruce-Mitford 1970; 1983, pp. 611–727). There also are lyres or their components from the North (Bischop 2002): a bridge of a lyre was found at Birka (9th c.) (Salmen 1970, p. 8, fig. 1:3), a lyre yoke in Hedeby (11th c.) (Lawson 1984), and two fragments of bridges at Wurt Elisenhof near Tönning (8th c.) (Salmen 1970, pp. 7–8; fig. 1:4; pl. 3,1–2). From Gotland, two examples are known: an amber bridge from the ‘chief’s grave’ at Broa in Halla parish (8th c.) (Reimers 1980) and a bronze bridge from Gerete, Fardhem parish (Vedin 2007).
GP 248 Lärbro Källstäde

Interpretation of the Imagery
A woman on board a sailing ship is unique in the iconography of the Gotlandic picture stones. There may be literary and archaeological evidence indicating fighting (Gardeła 2018) and seafaring (Jesch 2001) women during the Viking Age, but the female figure of Boge Laxarve 2 stands out particularly from the other crew members: while the armed men are standing or sitting on the ship’s deck, the woman is hovering over the rails without touching the ship with her feet. This method of presentation appears to put her in the realm of the supernatural and is reminiscent of the divine ship guide with horned headgear on GP 339 Rute St. Valle 2 hovering behind the ship’s stem. This probably is the god Óðinn, who either is consecrating the ship’s crewmen to death and accompanying them to the realm of the dead or, as a “Sieghelfer” (ʻvictory helperʼ), rendering supernatural assistance in battle (Oehrl 2016b; 2017a; 2019a, pp. 240–242).

Against this background, it is plausible to regard the woman hovering over the ship of Boge Laxarve 2 as a valkyrie, who, on behalf of the god Óðinn, chooses the slain and escorts the ship of the defeated and its crew to Valhǫll (Oehrl 2019a, p. 262). This role of the valkyries is suggested by their name (valkyrja ‘choosers of the fallen’ [valr ‘the fallen on the battlefield’, kjósa ‘choose, select’]) (recently and comprehensively: Zimmermann 2012; Egeler 2011). The role is well documented in skaldic and eddic poetry as well as in Snorri’s Gylfaginning (36, Faulkes 2005, p. 30) and mentioned, for example, in the Hákonarmál by the skald Eyvindr skáldaspillir as early as 960/961 (stanza 1, Finnur Jónsson 1912–1915 A I, p. 64; B I, 57; Whaley 2012, p. 174). Also in Darraðarljóð, probably composed soon after 1014 (or in the early 10th century? Poole 1991, pp. 120–125), the valkyries decide who is going to die in battle (Finnur Jónsson 1912–1915 A I, pp. 419–421; B I, pp. 389–391).

If in fact the woman on the picture stone depicts a valkyrie, she could also be understood as a supporter of the crew (Oehrl 2019a, p. 263), as the valkyries, just like Óðinn, can act as battle helpers (Price 2002, 346–350). Helgakviða Hiǫrvarðzsonar (HHv, prose after stanza 9), for example, explicitly mentions that the valkyrie Sváva frequently protected Helgi in battle (Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 143) Helgakviða Hundingsbana in fyrri (HH I, stanzas 54–55) tells the story of valkyries descending from the sky to protect Helgi and bring him victory (ibid. pp. 138–139). In Helgakviða Hundingsbana ǫnnor (HH II, stanzas 11–12), Helgi asks Sigrún how she could know details of his military exploits, and the valkyrie answers that she was not far away during battle (Varca ec fiarri, ibid. p. 152). Regarding the picture stone, stanza 30 of Helgakviða Hundingsbana in fyrri might be of particular interest, as here the valkyrie provides protection for Helgi’s ships and crew: Helgi’s fleet gets caught in a life-threatening thunderstorm, but thanks to supernatural help, the men survive. Sigrún, it is said, protected Helgi’s men and the ships ‘from above’ (ofan, ibid. p. 134). Accordingly, the woman above the ship from Boge Laxarve 2 might be interpreted as a valkyrie who is present during a sea battle to protect the ship’s crew, as described in the lays of Helgi of the Codex Regius. The date of the lays remains controversial and varies between the 11th century and about 1250 (von See et al. 2004).

Apart from the valkyries, other supernatural battle helpers can be considered for the interpretation of Boge Laxarve 2 (Oehrl 2019a, p. 264), such as the fylgjur. These spirit-like beings frequently appear both in the form of women and in combat contexts (Heide 2016). Also, the Norwegian local deity Þorgerðr Hǫlgabrúðr, who was venerated in the 10th century in Hálogaland and was the patron goddess of Hákon, earl of Lade (Storm 1885; Chadwick 1950; de Vries 1956–1957, pp. 340–342; Halvorsen 1976, Motz 1993; McKinnell 2002; Steinsland 2011, pp. 53–55), has some characteristics resembling those of valkyries, and in Jómsvíkinga saga, she appears on a warship (Blake 1964, p. 37). During a battle fought on board ships, she joins the Earl’s men, conjures a terrible storm, and from her fingers hurls deadly magic arrows against the enemy. The supernatural storm is directed against the hostile Jómsvikings and makes their projectiles turn back against themselves. Only those men who have the second sight (ófreskir menn) are able to see the apparition of the woman. Her intervention on the ship secures the Earl’s victory. It is quite possible that this motif traces back to old oral traditions (Halvorsen 1976, col. 383). Similar ideas and narratives could have been known on Gotland as well.
GP 339 Rute St. Valle 2

Type and Dating
The ship with its checkered sail and armed crew is typical for picture stones of Type C. The way both the male crew members and the female figure are shown in profile, however, is reminiscent of stylistic characteristics of Lindqvist’s ʻAbschnittʼ D and his ʻTjängvide-Gruppe.ʼ Lindqvist dated the Type C stones to about 700 or the early 8th century, but he considered the small group of Type D stones as slightly later, from the second half of the 8th century. This view is now regarded as obsolete. According to Eshleman (1983), stones of Type C were strongly influenced by the art of the Carolingian Renaissance and therefore should instead be dated to the period between AD 790 and 840. Archaeological excavations at Type C picture stones still in situ suggest a date about the year 800. Some runic inscriptions on picture stones of Type C have been dated to between AD 850 and 900 (Snædal 2002, pp. 48–53, 63–64; Gustavson 2012, p. 112 with references), and the runes on GP 244 Lokrume kyrka [C] probably belong to the second half of the 10th century (Källström 2012, p. 127), while those on GP 5 Alskog Tjängvide I [D] are likely to date from the latter half of the 10th century or even circa 1000.
GP 244 Lokrume kyrka
GP 5 Alskog Tjängvide I

References
Lindqvist 1962, pp. 19–20, fig. 10; Lamm/Nylén 2003, p. 55; Rundkvist 2012, pp. 151–152; Oehrl 2019a, pp. 256–264, pls. 307a–314b, 315d.

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