GP 21 Ardre kyrka VIII

Context and Discovery
This stone is part of an assemblage of a total of eight picture stones, Ardre kyrka I–VIII (GP 15–18, 20–21, 23), discovered in the year 1900 beneath the floor in the small church of Ardre, located on Gotland’s east coast, during restoration works (Pipping 1900; Pipping 1901; Lindqvist 1941/42 II, pp. 18–19; Roosval/Lagerlöf 1959, pp. 804–805). They were lying underneath the floor of what is today the church’s nave, with their obverses facing upwards. The stone GP 21 Ardre VIII was positioned in the middle with the other stones grouped around it. In a document dated 19th June 1900 in Ljugarn and Ardre, assistant vicar [Sw. komminister] Karl Kristiansson describes the find of a picture stone with a Viking ship and a beautiful ornament around the edge, as well as several runestones of sandstone with beautiful runes, ornament lines and pictures (Kristiansson, document in ATA, 1900).
The current nave and the choir had been erected about 1250, while the old nave dates to the late 12th century (Lagerlöf/Svahnström 1991, p. 92; Oehrl 2023). The stones were built into the floor in the last quarter of the 12th century (Roosval/Lagerlöf 1963, pp. 781–805). When the church was rebuilt in c. 1250, the stones were covered by a wooden floor.

The stones were examined by Hugo Pipping, who refers to Ardre VIII as the picture stone and to the other stones in the assembly as runestones. Pipping describes in a report that at his first visit, on 25th June 1900, he found the church floor removed and the church crammed with scaffolding. In the middle of the church, there was a pit after the large picture stone, the one without runes (GP 21), which had been lifted up and now was lying in the outside on the church yard. Pipping reports that as he was busy with brushing the stones and studying the runic inscriptions on the other stones, he missed to record the original position of all stones himself but the schoolteacher Engström helped him to fill in the missing information. At Pipping’s second visit by the end of summer in 1900, no more searches were made but Pipping together with the candidate Wennersten cleaned, studied, and photographed the already present stones. They placed the stones in a shed to protect them from falling plaster and stones. It is unknown whether our stone Ardre VIII (GP 21), too, was placed indoors. Pipping paid a third visit on 18th October 1900. This day, the scaffoldings were removed and Pipping and Wennersten began to search for more stones, accompanied by some local farmers and the schoolteacher Engström. Wennersten found a fragment (GP 15/G 114; Pipping nr 5b) and patron Olsson in Petsarfve found a runestone (GP 23/G 111; Pipping nr 7). The interesting thing is that this latter stone was situated on an undisturbed layer of black soil. With the exception of some coins, no other finds were made. Engström told that he had found some coins in the soil above the large picture stone (Pipping 1900, p. 4 note 1). In the final remarks, Pipping tells that the picture stone (GP 21) had been placed with the pictorial surface turned upwards. Several of the surrounding picture stones, more precisely the parts of the Ardre cist (GP 15–18), were smeared by plaster that filled the runes and the drill holes. The large picture stone showed traces of wear, partially on the surface. Pipping believed that all stones had been placed immediately upon the black layer of soil and that the picture stone GP 21, which was the thickest one, during some period had served as a floor while the remaining stones due to their lower thickness lied at a lower level, and thus were protected against treading by footsteps. As a poste scriptum, Pipping adds that there was a thin layer of clay on top of the soil adjacent to the large picture stone (Pipping, Rapport till Riksantikvarien, 1900). For more details about the find circumstances and the actions afterwards regarding finance and transport, see GP 17.

The finds were reported by the newspapers Gotlands Allehanda 3/10 1900, Gotlandsposten 15/12 1900, and Dagens Nyheter, the latter quoted by Gotland(?) 10/4 1901 (Gotlands Allehanda?). It was noticed that the large picture stone was of the same kind as the stone from Alskog Tjängvide (GP 5) and it was discussed that Volund had a counterpart in Sweden (Gotlands Allehanda?). Late in the year 1900, the stones were brought to the Historical Museum in Stockholm. In a letter dated November 10, 1900, Engström informs that he has seen to it that the stones were transported to the harbour in Ljugarn, but due to a storm they might have to stay there until the week after, when the steamer can berth. A month later, in a letter dated 8 dec 1900, he reports that the stones left Ljugarn on November 17 with the steamer Wisby. The first detailed drawing of the pictures we know of was made by Gabriel Gustafson in May in 1902, after photographs (Lindqvist’s unpublished notes, p. 189).

In a news item in Stockholms Dagblad 9th May 1928, it is noticed that John Nihlén is publishing a collection of Gotlandic myths and tales (1928). The journalist wishes to draw attention to the Ardre stone and gives a short summary of how the pictures relate to the tale of Vǫlundr (Stockholms Dagblad, 9/5 1928).

Following Pipping’s report, it has been assumed that the picture stones served as a flooring in the older church (Lindqvist 1941, 18; Rosvaal/Lagerlöf 1963, pp. 803–804), but Ljung points out that no further evidence for this flooring has been discovered (Ljung, forthcoming). As pointed out by Cecilia Ljung, who has studied the find circumstances thoroughly, Pipping’s drawing is not an exact recording of the find situation, but it provides a schematic plan of the internal arrangements of the stones and their relation to the foundation walls of an older stone church, which was also uncovered during the restauration works. GP 21 was probably laid out in the same east-west orientation as the church (Pipping 1901, p. 7; report ATA; Gotlands runinskrifter states wrongly that all stones were placed in the east west orientation, without mentioning the uncertainties (SRI 11, p. 201). However, through Pipping’s recordings it is possible to conclude that the building of the first stone church and the reuse of the picture stones are contemporary (Ljung, forthcoming). Ljung further remarks that the varying degrees of weathering of the eight stones suggest that they have been treated differently for a period before they were inserted in the first flooring. Pipping found them covered by mull (soil), which indicate that they have been covered by a partly organic material, most likely a wooden floor (Pipping 1901; Ljung, forthcoming).

For a period, Ardre VIII was standing in the large entrance hall of the Historical Museum. Presently, it is standing in the stairs to Guldrummet (the Treasury) together with its sister stone GP 5 Alskog Tjängvide.

As for the site, it is probable that there has been a c. 3 m wide wooden church built by the end of the 11th century or in the beginning of the 12th century (Roosval/Lagerlöf 1963, p. 805). The first known stone church was built by the end of the 12th century, with such small dimensions that it has been assumed that it was a private church belonging to a farm (BeBR). Besides the picture stones found in Ardre church (GP 15-18, 20-21, 23), two picture stones have been found in Petsarve in the same parish (GP 18 and GP 24).

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Measurements, Material and Condition
The height, measured from the lower edge of the decorated area, is 2,1 m, width 2,3 m, thickness up to 0,2 m. The height of the head is 0,64 m, its width 0,129 m, the width of the neck is 0,118 cm. Of the broken root, there is only a small remnant left.

The obverse is naturally smooth, considerably curved, in the main severely abraded and polished by footsteps. The horizontal border at the base and the areas closely above and below, however, are not worn down by footsteps, but weathered to a certain degree. The narrow sides hewn flat for 3–10 cm in a rather obtuse angle towards the obverse and then rounded towards the reverse, which is rough. (Lindqvist 1941/42 II, p. 22). The outlines of the reliefs of Ardre Church VIII are engraved with lines about 2 mm thick, the background surfaces are sunk up to 3 mm, so that a comparatively clear submerged relief typical of the D-stones is formed, although it has been worn down by feet. Above all, the right half of the torso of the picture stone and the middle part of the head have been affected by this. As a further restriction of legibility, it can be mentioned that the stonemason has not chiselled out the background surfaces as thoroughly everywhere, but in some cases simply left them alone. (Oehrl, RGA-E). The squares of the ship’s sail are very distinctly separated by deeply incised rectangular recessions which create nodes at the intersections.

In 1991, the stone was investigated by conservator Marianne Gustafsson Belzacq, who judged the stone to be in a good condition with the exception of some minor splitting damages (Sw. spjälkningsskador) (Gustafsson Belzacq 1991). A PM dated 1991-10-29, states the decision that the stone will be cleaned if it can be made where the stone is standing, i.e. without moving it, and that its fixture should be checked (PM ang stenkonservering 1991-10-29, RIKS 91-036, ATA). The conservation was undertaken in February 1992 by Solveig Marchner. The paint was easily soluble and painted surfaces were therefore left uncleaned, other parts were cleaned with a soft brush and water. The splittings were stabilised with a solution of 5% paraloid (B-72) (Marchner 1992).

In 2008, the stone was 3D-scanned within a research project at Stockholm University (Kitzler Åhfeldt 2013). In 2013, several RTI files of the stone were produced by Sigmund Oehrl (Oehrl 2019).

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Description of Ornament and Images
The stone has the characteristic mushroom shape. In the head, a horseman riding to the left, his hand raised, is depicted on an eight-legged horse, approaching a stylised hall building. Above the horseman, there is a twisted human body. In front of the horse, beneath the building, a scene with people carrying an oblong object. Below the ears of the stone, the top scene is separated from the section below by a horizontal interlace border. The large field below is dominated by a ship with a helmsman and a crew. The field is crowded by a proliferation of scenes with framed panels to the right. To the left, below the ship, the scenes are arranged in a more airy, spacious style, including eg. a smithy, cow shed, dog, small fishing boats as well as more enigmatic figures, such as a figure with five heads. The border includes four different types of knot ornament.

Below, Sune Lindqvist’s description is taken as the starting point to a more detailed account. The carving surface is partly worn and the pictures are not always clear. In addition, there are various interpretations of what the shapes are meant to depict. Details in the description by Lindqvist can be discussed and need not to be taken as the best solution, but the pictures can be recognized and his description thus serves as a means of orientation.

Lindqvist describes the carvings as follows, and starts with the border:
‘The about 15 cm wide border is covered with a variation of patterns that repeat themselves several times:
a) Animal intertwined in a figure-of-eight shape; its head (?) filling on loop, one foot the other.
b) Band pattern, formed by two “running dog scroll” motifs with animal heads, facing in different directions, at their terminals. Each of the heads is biting the band that represents its “body” in such a manner that its lower jaw remains hidden; the neck hooks itself into the respective loop of the second “running dog” motif. Most clearly on the stone’s head above depiction of “Valhalla”.
c) The same band pattern; the “over and under” of the intersection of the two bands is different, however, and each ‘running dog’ motif appears to be separated into a row of independent animals. Like this on the left part of the head.
d) Two-stranded band pattern with s-shaped loops.
The lower horizontal border is completely filled with the pattern designated above as type a, that at the neck holds a three-stranded interlace’ (Lindqvist 1941/42 II, p. 23).

Lindqvist continues: ‘The upper panel (the head) features the following images:
1. Horseman on an eight-legged horse. The horse’s four hind legs are inserted below the belly, one in front of the other, intersecting each other in pairs immediately under it, and further down, the two outermost legs intersect. Here, a regular interlace is to be seen. Surely, this also applied to the forelegs, the upper portions of which, however, are now rather unclear. The rider holds the reins with his bent arm; with the other, equally bent arm, he appears to be holding aloft an object most similar to a racket – a club or a victor’s wreath. In all probability, he is facing forwards and most likely is wearing – like the majority of the men occurring in this stone – beard and neck hair with long tails. He has a sword, with the hilt and its three-lobed pommel at the top well visible.
2. Fallen warrior in a severely distorted body posture; he is clad in a knee-length tunic and wide legwear reaching down to his ankles. In the bent arm furthest from his feet, he seems to be holding an object similar to the one of the horseman. In the centre of this object, there is a small indentation (which supports the assumption mentioned above that his might be a victor’s wreath); on the head, he possibly is wearing a helmet.
3. Spear, almost horizontal. The middle section is blurred by footsteps, but the end of the shaft can be seen next to the stomach of No. 2, as is the rather clear point, 25 cm further to the left.
4. Bird(?) (below the spearhead), drawn as seen directly from above, flying to the left, i.e. seemingly on its way into:
5. A large, hemispherical building (commonly interpreted as ‘Valhalla’) with three doorways that are both rounded and narrowing towards the top and with broad frames as well as two larger and two smaller round windows (hatches) with the same broad frames, at the level of the upper part of the door frame. The semicircular gable field has closely placed, vertical depressions, the upper edges of which follow the contours of the roof, while the lower edges terminate a little distance short of the line defining the wall field with its doors. Whether these vertical depressions represent apertures or perhaps every other plank of a stave construction, should be difficult to decide (cf. Lindqvist 1941/42 I, p. 86).
6. Below (in front of) this building, an unclear scene, which GG [Gabriel Gustafson] supposed to represent the erection of a picture stone. It also might be plausible, however, that – comparing it to the picture Sv. kulturbilder NF VII p. 49 – this scene shows (preparations for) the blowing of a long lure (Heimdal?). The scene includes the following figures, all of which are standing on a common floor line (from left to right):
a. A dancing man, who with his raised sword in one hand turns his back against
b. the ‘picture stone’, which, however, is lacking a pronounced neck;
c. an unclear figure, which, according to GG, might represent a kneeling or reclining person – the artist –, who is busy working on the stone’s decoration;
d. man(?), who holds in both his hands, raised to head-level, a spear(?), a lever necessary for the erection of the picture stone, a long lure, or a similar object;
e. woman raising her hand to support this object. She is turned towards the ‘stone’; on her back, a braid falling down from her bun;
f. another man, who at least with one arm is holding up the same ‘pole’ as d and e; over his head, the pole appears to widen out like the lower end of an arrow or like a crutch, if not like a lure.

The lower panel shows the following images:
7. A ship with rounded stems with rolled-up spirals for terminals. In the stern, behind the top of the steering oar, a man is sitting, probably shown holding a crank-like tiller. Behind him a round shield hanging on the stern post, and above it, a broad spearhead, pointing diagonally outwards, with a cross guard just under the blade. In the stem at the bow probably the upper body of a man as well as a boat hook(?), the hook of which is pointing diagonally upwards. In the middle of the ship, there is the mast, which is supported by forestay and backstay and carries a large sail with a rhombic pattern. Between the stays, four men who apparently are walking on the line of the railing, wearing knee-length tunics and wide, straight-legged trousers reaching down to their ankles. The two foremost men each have a sword on their belts, nos 2 and 3 each are holding a sheet rope that splits upwards into two, where the ends are attached to the lower edge of the sail. A third sheet that is hanging loosely from the sail appears to be held by the fourth standing man, who is facing the stern. Around the mast probably a rope sling that on both of its sides is attached to the lower edge of the sail. Possibly the mast – hardly one of the stays – is visible in front of the sail that features a clear and uniformly shaped border all around it. The masthead seems to have been a little higher than the sail, but beyond that is rather unclear.
8. (To the right of the sail in no. 7.) In a dome-shaped frame (outline of a house), facing each other, two kneeling men, who hold between them an oblong object with rounded bottom (possibly a ‘mead skin’ made from animal hide or a similar object). To the right and next to the house, a standing man (or perhaps a woman, like just below) with a sword on his belt. Possibly, this person is meant to represent a scout, watching the two men in the house.
9. (To the right of the stern of the ship in no. 7.) Two men in knee-length tunics, lying next to each other, but with their feet in opposite directions, with their arms along the sides of their bodies. The men are tied up in an interlace made up of three parallel two-strand strings at their necks and knees, their waists, and their knees and necks, respectively, and the outer ends of which are attached to those of the neighbouring strings. To the right, a woman, who is turned towards the men thus bound and who appears to carry a sword on her belt (the detail in question is considerably longer, at any rate, than the tips of the scarfs on certain other depictions of women). In one outstretched hand, she obviously is holding an upwards-pointing object, possibly a sword (with which she intends to free the men).
10. (Just below no. 9.) Two men, standing and facing each other as if in conversation. Both are wearing knee-length tunics and carry swords on their belts. The right man has his hand raised high and in the other holds a staff (cane, axe, or sword?) that rests on the ground. The left man probably makes the same gestures. Behind him a field, the imagery of which is completely lost due to abrasion.
11. (Below no. 10, near the lower right corner of this panel.) Within a rectangular frame, a probably reclining man (like the two in no. 9), the arms stretched out along the sides of his body, in a knee-length tunic, with indistinct head. Four serpents are coiling around the frame. Three of them extend their heads out from the frame; this probably also was the case with the fourth serpent, in the lower right corner, but this cannot be ascertained anymore. Left of the frame is a woman, turned towards the man inside it, a braid falls from her bun, and it is likely that she is carrying a horn or cup in each of her hands. – The man and the woman possibly are Loke and Sigyn.
12. (Below ‘Sigyn’ in no. 11.) A dog or wolf, facing left, that most likely is part of scene no. 14.
13. (Back-to-back with ‘Sigyn’ in no. 11.) A woman, probably holding a horn – possibly Sigyn, about to pour out the serpent venom, but perhaps rather part of the following scene.
14. Vertical section of a house (stable) with semicircular roof or the picture of a cattle pen. In it, two men walking to the right, the one in the back is carrying some object with several points on his shoulder. Behind him, an ox or cow, facing the left wall (with horns and clearly cloven hoofs). Outside of the wall, a man who apparently intends to untie the rope with which the animal is tethered up. Cf. Lindqvist 1941/42 I, p. 87 and pp. 95–96.
15. (Above nos 13 and 14.) Vertical section of a smithy with arched, grassy(?) roof and a projecting animal’s head at each gable. Within the smithy, two hammers and two tongs. Left of the smithy, a bird, depicting, according to the usual interpretation, Wayland the smith in bird’s shape, while leaving the smithy through the opening (door or window) in the left gable. To the right of the smithy, the bodies of two boys without heads (King Niðhad’s sons). Below, probably two skid-like objects (or a boat? cf. below) and under that, two arrow-like objects (perhaps the oars or paddles of the boat).
16. (Next to the bird in the preceding scene.) A woman, walking to the left (Niðhad’s daughter?).
17. (To the left and diagonally above no. 16.) Two men (one of them indistinct) in a boat or dugout canoe. The rudder or an oar protrudes downwards at an angle to the right, while to the left, there is an object with several points (cf. scene no. 14) – possible an ox head – as bait on a taut line. According to the usual interpretation, this scene represents Thor’s well-known fishing trip. If this is correct, probably the unclear section (the Midgard Serpent??) to the far left of the following scene belongs here as well.
18. (Below the preceding scene.) A kneeling man in front of another, equally kneeling creature with a human body and five(?) heads. Behind the man, indistinct remains of another figure (cf. no. 17).
19. (Below the preceding scene.) Two men in a boat, like in scene no. 17. One of them thrusts a fish spear at a fish. Below the boat, a large, spread-out fishing net can be seen’ (Lindqvist 1941/42 II, pp. 23-25).

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Interpretation of the Imagery
Iconography
It is obvious from the description above that Ardre VIII have numerous figures or motifs, some of them unique, which have invited many different interpretations and a lively discussion (Buisson 1976; Oehrl 2019a, pp. 181–191, pp. 208–210; pl. 188–203, 203–236). In the following, we report observations from Sigmund Oehrl’s investigation based on the 3D-models and his evaluation of these observations with regard to written sources. The scenes will be discussed in the same order as described by Lindqvist, with the exception of the “cow shed” which most often is treated together with the small fishing boats (down left).
1. Horseman on an eight-legged horse
The horseman at the top riding an eight-legged horse can be seen in the light of the written sources telling about an eight-legged horse by the name of Sleipnir, the miraculous steed of supreme god Óðinn (Snorri’s Gylfaginning 42, Faulkes 2005, pp. 34–35). It is hard to believe that the stone motif and the medieval records have nothing to do with each other (Heizmann 2015, p. 95; Oehrl 2020c, p. 127). The horse probably is Sleipnir, the eight-legged steed of the god Óðinn, and consequently, we may identify its rider either as Óðinn himself or as a fallen warrior on his way to Valhǫll (Lindqvist 1941/42 I, pp. 95–101; Weber 1973, pp. 94–96; Buisson 1976, pp. 88–90; Ellmers 1973; 1986, p. 354; Oehrl 2010, p. 7). The latter is the most common interpretation of a motif that frequently occurs in the head areas of the Gotlandic picture stones of Type C/D, viz. a horseman being received by a woman holding a drinking horn (Nordin 1903, p. 150; Lindqvist 1941/42 I, p. 96; Weber 1973, p. 94; Ellmers 1973; 1986, p. 354; 1995; Oehrl 2010, p. 7; 2019a, pp. 47–50; Oehrl 2020c, pp. 132-142). This interpretation is mainly based on Eiríksmál (and on Hákonarmál by Eyvindr Skáldaspillir Finnsson, which in turn is based on the first-mentioned story). (For Eiríksmál and Hákonarmál: von See 1981; Kreutzer 1989; Kreutzer 1999; Marold 1972; Marold 2006, pp. (Repealed) 228-234). It is a tribute poem to the Norwegian king Eiríkr Blóðøx, which was written after 954. The poetic poem depicts the solemn arrival and reception of the fallen king in Óðin's Valhǫll. Óðinn awakens the einherjar, the dead warriors who live in Valhǫll, and urges them to prepare for the hero's arrival, cover benches and clean cups. He invites the Valkyries to bring wine (Str. 1, Finnur Jónsson 1912-1915 A I, p. 174; B I, p. 164; Whaley 2012, p. 1006). In the Edda song Grímnismál, numerous Valkyries are named whose task is to hold out the drinking horn and serve beer to the dead warriors of Valhǫll ( Str. 36, Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 64). (Oehrl, RGA).

Buisson prefers to see Óðinn with a club in his hand in the rider of Ardre Church VIII (Buisson 1976, pp. 91 et seq. Already Lindqvist thought of a club or a victory wreath (Lindqvist 1941/1942 II p. 23)). According to him, it would be the club with which Óðinn/Othynus, according to Saxo Grammaticus (Gesta Danorum liber VIII, Ch. IV, 8-9), (Olrik/Ræder 1931, pp. 219 f.; Herrmann 1901, pp. 352 f.) kills the Danish king Haraldr Hilditǫnn/Haraldus Hyldetan in the Battle of Bråvalla. In Saxo's story, the god pushes his former protégé off the chariot, rips his club from him, and kills the hero with his own weapon. According to Buisson, this may explain why both the rider and the prostrate deceased are holding a club in their hands – it would be about the slain Haraldr and Óðinn on the horse Sleipnir who brings the dead hero to Valhǫll. That interpretation is certainly defensible, but not totally convincing, since it would then rest exclusively on the club, which is alleged to have appeared twice. Staecker's suggestion (Staecker 2006, pp. 363 et seq.; Staecker 2013) is that the rider of the eight-legged horse should be Sigurðr of Grani. Gjessing suggested that the tale is about the robbery of the drink from Mímir's well is incorrect (Gjessing 1943, p. 80). Perhaps even more farfetched and methodologically disputable is Srigley's view that it would be about the (eight-legged) Trojan horse. (Srigley 1988/1989, p. 179; cf. Srigley 1993) (Oehrl, RGA).
While the giver of the drink (valkyrie) is missing on the Ardre stone, she is present on the closely related picture stone from Alskog Tjängvide, which may have been produced in the same workshop or even by the same mason (Christiansson 1967, p. 458; Jansson/Wessén 1962, p. 194; Wilson 1995, p. 64; Lamm 2006, 8; Kitzler Åhfeldt 2009, pp. 141–144; 2012a, pp. 189–193; 2015, pp. 412–414) and on which she welcomes the rider of the eight-legged horse with an overflowing drinking horn (Oehrl 2019a, p. 20, p. 47, p. 182; pl. 22e–f, 190b) and with another object that looks like an oversized key (Lindqvist 1941/1942 II p. 16) or a twig. On both stones, the dead warrior is holding a drinking bowl or cup in his raised hand (Trotzig 1981, esp. fig. 5–7; Oehrl 2019a, pl. 191).
Three more motifs on both stones in the part of the stone that makes up the stone's head indicate that it is about the arrival of a fallen warrior in the underworld: the twisted human bodies, the spear flying over the rider, and the bird flying in front of the rider.
2. Distorted body
There also are, in both cases, prostrate or writhing human bodies above the horseman, which in this context can possibly be interpreted as corpses, probably fallen warriors (Lindqvist 1941/42 II, p. 16, p. 23). The twisted human bodies that lie or have plunged head over heels above the rider can be interpreted as corpses (Lindqvist 1941/1942 II p. 16; 23). Comparable depictions of fallen warriors can be seen in continental and insular book painting (e.g. Stuttgarter Psalter) or on the Bayeux Tapestry.
3. The spear of death
As richly embellished and almost overburdened with motifs of the otherworld as the imagery of Valhǫll already is on the Ardre VIII, yet another element is added to it with the spear flying over the horseman, the bird, and the lifeless or writhing human bodies, at the very top of the scene (Lindqvist 1941/42, II, p. 16, p. 23). Its point is directed to the left, indicating that the weapon is aimed towards the hall building. The ‘spear of death’ identifies both the prostrate bodies and the horseman as warriors slain in battle, who, being dedicated to Óðinn, are moving into the god’s realm and banqueting hall. This interpretation is supported by the literary connection to a ritual as a prelude to a struggle, in which the spear is hurled over the enemy army, which is thus consecrated to Óðinn (Lindqvist 1956, p. 23. On the sources see Kuhn 1978, pp. 247 et seq.), especially in Hlǫðskviða (Hunnenschlachtlied) (str. 28; Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 309), which probably came into being in the ninth century. A possible precursor to the motif appears on the Gotland picture stone from the Migration Period, GP 428 Stenkyrka kyrka 46, where we see this curse and death spear over the death ship (see this stone for more details; Oehrl, forthcoming [“The spear of death ...”]; Lindqvist 1956, pp. 19-25, Fig. 1; Oehrl 2019, pp. 57-58, plate 80A-C, 343c; Oehrl 2020, pp. 161-162, fig. 37).
Literary evidence of the ‘throwing of the spear’ and the concepts related to it were collected by Hans Kuhn (Kuhn 1978, pp. 247–258). The ritual is associated with Óðins spear, as occasionally the god appears to be performing the shot himself as well as guiding the spear’s flight. Early evidence is found, for example, in the Edda’s Battle of Goths and Huns, the so-called Hlǫðskviða (stanzas 27–28), which belongs to the earliest examples of eddic heroic poetry. It probably dates to the 9th century but is based on traditions that trace back to events during the Migration Period. The poem quotes an invocation preceding the ritualistic ‘throwing of the spear’ across the enemy lines, which indicates that apparently Óðinn himself was expected to be involved in the fateful shot: Felmtr er yðro fylki, / feigr er yðvarr vísir, / gnæfar yðr gunnfani, / gramr er yðr Óðinn. [...] hrósi yðr / at hái hveriom, / oc láti svá Óðinn flein fliúga [...] (Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 309). – ‘Terrified is your army, doomed is your leader, the battle flag is rising above you, angry at you is Óðinn. […] May Óðinn horrify every one of you and let the spear fly […].’
According to Vǫluspá (stanza 24), which is dated to the late 10th century or about the year 1000, it is with a primordial throw of a spear that the god brings the first war into the world (Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 6). Spectacularly embellished are the concrete consequences of the ‘spear dedication’ in Styrbjarnar þáttr in the 14th-century Flateyarbók. Here, Óðinn personally presents the Swedish King Eirek with a reed cane and instructs him to fling it over the band of his adversaries and shout: Óðinn á yðr álla! – ‘Óðinn owns you all!’ During its passage over the enemy lines, the cane then turns into the god’s fateful spear, and as a direct consequence, the enemy soldiers first go blind and are then completely destroyed by a rock fall (Unger/Guðbrandur Vigfússon 1860–1868 II, pp. 70–73). In Eyrbyggja saga, Óðinn is not mentioned by name, but the saga says that it was an old pagan custom (forn siðr) to throw a spear to commence hostilities (Einar Ólafur Sveinsson/Matthías Þórðarson 1935, p. 122).
Two more picture stones possibly feature similar scenarios, namely Träkumla (GP XX) and Väte (GP XX). The motif of the spear of death possibly also appears on the type C stone GP XX Lärbro St. Hammars I and GP XX Alskog Tjängvide I (Lindqvist 1941/42 I, fig. 137–138; II, pp. 15–17, fig. 305–306; Oehrl, forthcoming). Those cases depicting solely the spear (GP 21 Ardre church VIII; GP 5 Alskog Tjängvide I, and GP XX Lärbro St. Hammars I) might represent an abbreviation of the events shown on GP XX Stenkyrka church 46 and GP XX Rute St. Valle 2, featuring the ‘spear of death’ by itself as a symbol, without portraying the god in person. At the same time, it might be understood as an indication of a real-life ritual of consecration to initiate a battle, performed by a human agency. The two scenarios cannot, however, clearly be differentiated from each other, as the Old Norse written sources discussed above demonstrate that the real-life ‘throwing of the spear’ and the god’s intervention are closely interwoven and interdependent. The signal function of the image of the spear, in any case, is obvious: the spear, with or without an actual thrower, identifies the sphere of death and the presence of the god of the dead. (Oehrl, forthcoming).
4. Bird
On both Ardre VIII and Alskog Tjängvide, a more or less well-preserved bird flies in front of the rider (Lindqvist 1941/1942 II pp. 16 f., 23. Karl Hauck comes up with a useful reconstruction: Hauck 1984, plate XVIII:38. Reviewed and confirmed by Oehrl 2019, pp. 182-183, plate 191c, 192a-c). It steers towards the hall building and can be interpreted as the companion of the god of death and the bird of the battlefield (an eagle or a raven), but perhaps also as an ornithomorphic Valkyrie who accompanies the dead horseman to Valhǫll (Oehrl 2010, pp. 25-28; Oehrl 2019, pp. 50-55; Oehrl 2020, pp. 142-155; Hauck 1982, pp. 281 et seq.; Hauck 1984, pp. 301 f. The runic inscription on the stone from Eggja in Norway could be interpreted as Óðinn himself transformed into a bird for the fallen warriors to the underworld. However, the interpretation of the inscription is disputed [summary and with additional literature: Høst 1986].)
Also on both monuments, the remains of the image of a bird have survived, located in front of the horseman (Lindqvist 1941/42 II, pp. 16–17, p. 23; Hauck 1984a, pl. XVIII: 38) and apparently heading for the hall building (Valhǫll). The bird could be regarded as a corpse-devouring ‘beast of the battlefield’, a topos that was very popular in Old Norse poetry. Numerous accounts of fighting mention the wolf, the raven, and the eagle, as they feast on the slain, eating the corpses on the battlefield, and drinking the blood of dead warriors in the aftermath of combat (Beck 1970, pp. 55–67; Honegger 1998; 2017; Jesch 2002; Oehrl 2020d, pp. 455–457). A common figurative metaphor for ʻfightingʼ and ʻkilling enemiesʼ is ʻto feed the eagleʼ (ǫrno seðia) or ʻto invite eagle and raven to dinnerʼ; ʻwarʼ and ʻbattleʼ are called ʻbanquet meal of the ravenʼ and warriors and heroes referred to as ʻfriends/feeders of eagles, wolves, and ravensʼ. A raven or a bird of prey eating from a fallen warrior, tearing off flesh from its victim’s body with its beak, can be seen on the Type C picture stone GP XX Lärbro Tängelgårda I (Lindqvist 1941/1942 I, fig. 86–88; II, pp. 92–93, fig. 448, 450). Both this monument and the stone GP XX Lärbro St. Hammars I (fifth field from the top) depict an obviously badly hurt warrior who has fallen off his horse and is lying on the ground. A carrion-eating bird with a hooked beak is standing on the horse’s back, as if looking forward to having a meal (Oehrl 2020d, pp. 456–457).
Perhaps the birds on the Type D picture stones from Ardre church and Alskog Tjängvide represent Óðinn himself, escorting the fallen to his realm? As god of the slain, he is commonly accompanied by two ravens and two wolves. Being able to take the shape of an eagle, he is associated with that bird (Skáldskaparmál 1, Faulkes 1998, 3–5; Hávamál, stanzas 13, 14, 104–110, Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 19, pp. 33–34) and given the names arnhǫfði, ʻthe eagle-headed oneʼ, or ǫrn, ʻeagleʼ (Falk 1924, p. 41).
On the other hand, the bird might be interpreted as a valkyrie guiding the fallen to Valhǫll. Depictions of bird-shaped valkyries (or birds acting as the valkyriesʼ assistants) guiding the dead on Gotlandic picture stones have been discussed in detail elsewhere (Oehrl 2010; 2019a, pp. 50–55; 2020c, pp. 138–151).
5. The hall
The hall building has been compared to coins from Birka (Arbman 1934, Birka I, Taf.142:4) and to the house on the 9th century runestone in Sparlösa, Västergötland (Vg 119; Lindqvist 1941/42, I p. 86). It is generally interpreted as Valhǫll, an interpretation largely based on Eiríksmál, which depicts the fallen king’s festive arrival in Óðinn’s Valhǫll (Oehrl 2020, pp. 132-133).

6. People lifting a pole
Below the hall building to the left, next to the horse, you can make out two men and a woman who join forces to lift up a long pole and seem to be aiming it at a swordsman who turns his back on the attackers (Oehrl 2019, plate 193a). Behind the sword bearer is an upright trapezoidal figure (in the case of Alskog Tjängvide I, the image appears to be more anthropomorphic in a certain light and could be perceived as a female figure (Oehrl 2019, p. 91, plate 60b-d)), a kind of partition on which the huge pole appears to lie. Between the "partition" and the group of three people who appear to be attacking, a mutilated pleading human figure lies on the ground. The stage is placed on a separate ground line. As seen above, the peculiar event has been perceived as the erection of a picture stone (Oehrl 2019, pp. 90-91) or the blowing of a horn (Lindqvist 1941/1942 II p. 23), and the figure lying on the ground as the mutilated King Iormunreccr (Ermanarich) (Buisson 1976, pp. 108 f.), whose hands and feet the heroes Hamðir and Sǫrli cut off to avenge the death of their sister Svanhildr (Hamðismál str. 24, Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 272). A group of human figures appear to jointly attack a swordsman with what appears to be a pike. That is why Hauck's view is (Hauck 1984, pp. 278-280) very thought-provoking. Here he perceives the Aesir ordeal with the god Baldr's famous invulnerability. (Gylfaginning, ch. 49, Faulkes 2005, pp. 45 f.). As a result of this view, Hauck perceives the rider of Óðin's eight-legged horse as Baldr, who returns victorious from the underworld. (Hauck 1984, pp. 277 et seq.).

The lower part of the stone
7. The ship
The ship, the most frequent motif on the picture stones, is mostly regarded as the ‘ship of the dead’, which is carrying the deceased or the fallen to a realm of the dead (e.g. Ebert 1919/20, pp. 188–189; Major 1924, p. 118; Almgren 1940, p. 32; Kreutzer 1988, p. 21; Ellmers 1973; 1986; 1995; Lindow 1993; Lamm/Nylén 2003, pp. 15–16, 22, p. 70; Hauck 1976a, p. 588; concerning the idea of a ship of the dead in Germanic tradition in general, see Egeler 2015, pp. 113–180). On the whole, the journey of the dead, their escort to the afterworld, and their arrival there apparently are the main topic in the iconography of the Gotlandic picture stones (Oehrl 2019a, pp. 47–60; 2020c).
8. Two kneeling men
Underneath the eight-legged horse, to the right of the ship's sail, there is a demarcated room where two kneeling men with outstretched hands appear to be touching an oblong, oval object. (For a detailed account of this motif on Gotland's picture stones, see: Oehrl 2019, pp. 169-175, plate 168-175). The motif has been interpreted as two men taking an oath on a bellows filled with mead or a boar (Ibid. and especially Lindqvist 1941/1942 I, p. 88; II 92 and Hauck 1970, p. 280). Buisson, on the other hand, sees in this a scene from the Vǫlsunga saga where the heroes Sigmundr and Sinfjǫtli pull wolf pelts over them. (Buisson 1976, pp. 83 f. Cf. also Bugge 1905, p. 321 and Bugge 1906, p. 202).

9. Men with feet in opposite direction
The scene that is depicted immediately below the two kneeling men – two imprisoned men in a frame approached by a female figure – suggests Buisson as Sigmundr and Sinfjǫtli in the burial mound. The lady would then be Signý, who comes with Sigmundr's sword to free the men (Buisson 1976, pp. 81 f.; cf. Lindqvist, who also assumes that it is about the liberation of the imprisoned men: Lindqvist 1941/1942 II p. 24. An improved reading and a new interpretive perspective is given by Oehrl 2019, pp. 208-210, plate 232-235). Oehrl's new reading based on an RTI study points in a different direction (2019, pp. 208-210, plate 232-235). In the RTI image, the object Lindqvist refers to as a sword looks like a snake hanging down with its head and mouth open, and the woman is holding a cup or bowl directly under the snake's mouth. It is obvious to think of Loki's punishment here. However, it remains unclear why this should have been depicted twice on the same monument. According to Oehrl, the motif may also be linked to an idea handed down by Saxo, among others, according to which the snake venom flowing freshly from a snake's mouth into a porridge was said to have magical powers.

11 and 13. Man in snake pit (Loki and Sigyn)
In the lower right corner there is a male figure depicted in a rectangle-shaped frame entwined with snakes, and on the left you can see two women. One of them has a bowl in his hand and turns away from the snake's nest. Lindqvist has seen in this scene a depiction of Loki's punishment (Lindqvist 1941/1942 I p. 96; II, p. 24). Loki is said to have been tormented by venomous snakes and his wife Sigyn is said to have collected the snake venom in a bowl (the female figure on the right) and carried away the filled vessel to empty it (the female figure on the left) (Gylfaginning ch. 50, Faulkes 2005, pp. 48 ff.; Oehrl 2019, pp. 198-208). According to Buisson, the lady on the right, who appears to be grabbing one of the snakes, is the goddess Skaði. She grabs one of the animals and holds it over Loki's head (Buisson 1976, pp. 65 f.). Incidentally, Buisson also connects to the dog-like four-legged animal below the two female figures in this group of pictures and sees in it Loki's son Vali, whom the Aesir have turned into a wolf, in order for him to tear apart his brother Narfi (Buisson 1976, p. 66). According to him, the fish caught in the opposite corner of the picture stone with a net and a light by two men in a small boat should also be associated with Loki (Buisson 1976, pp. 63–65). After killing the god Baldr, he transforms himself into a salmon to escape his punishment. But the Aesir finally catch him in a net (on the literary and iconographic sources concerning the myth of Loki's punishment, see Oehrl 2019, pp. 205-208).
12. Dog
Whether the dog that is apparently running ahead of the horseman in the images of monuments under discussion here (as well as several other picture stones) must be considered, similar to imagery of other cultures, as either psychopomp (Gräslund 2004) or a ‘hell hound’ (Weber 1973, p. 98), or rather merely as a trusty companion, cannot be decided. Its interpretation as a guardian of the underworld is, however, supported by the literary tradition, as a kind of ‘northern version’ of Cerberus can be found in Baldrs draumar of the Edda (stanzas 2–3, Neckel/Kuhn 1983, p. 277).
15 and 16. Vǫlundr: Smithy, bird and female figure
Between Loki's punishment and the scene of the fish, roughly in the middle of half of the picture stone, you can see a small smithy with a grassy roof and gables with animal heads. In the building there are two pliers and two hammers. To the right of the forge lie two male headless figures immediately above two bowl- or board-shaped objects. It is unclear whether the two oblong, almost key-shaped objects below them also belong to the scene in the forge or to the two female figures below. To the left of the forge you can see a large bird whose head touches a woman's back.
Below the rudder of the ship, elements of the story of Wayland/Vǫlundr the smith, as known from the eddic poem Vǫlundarkviða, can be seen: it depicts Wayland’s smithy, the decapitated corpses of the king’s sons, and the hero escaping in the shape of a giant bird (Nedoma 1988, pp. 27–31; Oehrl 2012, pp. 284–287; Oehrl 2019a). The image of two decapitated men in or behind a forge next to a bird and a female figure easily brings to mind a depiction of the Völund legend (Lindqvist 1941/1942 I p. 107; II, p. 24 and others earlier, e.g. Bugge 1905, p. 321; Bugge 1906, p. 201; Shetelig 1933, p. 221. Most recently Oehrl 2019), which has been handed down primarily to the Edda song Vǫlundarkviða (Neckel/Kuhn 1983, pp. 116–123) and Þiðrek's saga (on the written and pictorial sources for the Völund saga: Nedoma 1988; 1990; 2005; Nedoma et al. 2006; von See et al. 2000, pp. 82–117; Oehrl 2012b). Vǫlundr takes revenge on King Níðuðr, who has paralyzed him and held him captive as a slave, by cutting off the heads of the king's sons. He rapes the princess and flies away in a bird-like aircraft or like a bird. The oblong, slightly curved objects underneath the decapitated men have been perceived as a boat with a rudder or paddle (Lindqvist 1941/1942 II p. 24; Hauck 1976, p. 594). Most likely, however, it is about the pictorial reproduction of the place in the saga where Vǫlundr hides the corpses of the king's sons who were killed by him (Buisson 1976, pp. 75 f.; Nedoma 1988, p. 30; Oehrl 2012a, p. 103; Oehrl 2012b, p. 285). In Þiðreks saga, he throws them into a deep pit under the bellows: vndir smiðbelgi sina igrof eina divpa (Bertelsen 1905–1911 vol. 1, pp. 117). In Vǫlundarkviða (str. 24, 34; Neckel/Kuhn 1983, pp. 121 f.) this pit is given the peculiar designation fen fioturs, which denotes a damp place in the forge (von See et al. 2000, pp. 214-216; Müller-Wille 1977, p. 130 ("Sumpf der Fessel"). The key-like object under the stylized pit could be the key to the coffin that the curious princes, according to Vǫlundarkviða, look into before their heads are knocked off (Buisson 1976, p. 76) – probably with the coffin lid (von See et al. 2000, p. 213). Twice the princes ask Vǫlundr to hand over the key to the coffin: Kómo til kisto, / krǫfðo lucla, / opin var illúð, / er þeir í lito (Str. 21, 24, Neckel/Kuhn 1983, pp. 120 f.).
The bird making in the Wieland scene from Ardre Church VIII has two almost round continuations in the shoulder area, which appear to the left and right of the bird's head and resemble two more heads. You could think of them as parts of the clumsily drawn wings or as the high collar of a cloak-like plumage. Inside the two continuations, one can discern small depressions that are difficult to recognize from Lindqvist's photo of the unpainted stone and which there are only hints of in Sörling's drawing. It could also very well be about small eyes. In fact, the two additional heads of the bird resemble the five heads of the kneeling figure to the left of the king's daughter. They, too, are almost round, relatively small, and appear to have partially small, eye-like dimples and other depressions.
Hauck, on the other hand, believes that the continuations of the bird's shoulders could be perceived as parts of a huge neck ring and the bird as a discarded crow's nest belonging to the left-hand Valkyrie. It was supposed to be Vǫlundr's wife Hervor alvitr, whom the Edda prose writer calls a Valkyrie. Vǫlundr's two brothers were to be depicted to the right of the beheaded princes above the punishment of Loki. Hauck believes that he can also distinguish the brothers' Valkyrie women on the stone from Ardre. The woman with the bowl in her outstretched hand, below the dead king's sons, who is usually regarded as Loki's wife Sigyn, is supposed to represent the Valkyrie Hlaðguðr svanhvít. According to Hauck, Ǫlrún, Vǫlundr's brother Egill's Valkyrie, would hide behind the very reclusive party above the headless prince. However, that assumption cannot be confirmed and made concrete.
18. Figure with five heads
To the left, next to the depiction of Vǫlundr, one can make out the human figure with five heads and another male figure. They kneel on the ground facing each other and it looks as if the two figures are holding out their hands to each other. It is said to have been interpreted primarily as Þórr in battle with the nine-headed giant Þrívaldi. Buisson, on the other hand, sees in the scene the reproduction of the six-headed primordial giant Þrúðgelmir (Vafðrúðnismál Str. 33). Marold interprets the image as the tour de force between Þórr and the giant Hymir, as it is passed down in Hymiskviða (str. 28-31). According to her, it is supposed to depict the moment when the god of thunder rises and crushes a chalice on the giant's head. In fact, several heads in Old Norse literature are a typical characteristic of the giant genus. But it does not seem to me to have been possible to make a completely convincing connection with the polyphonic figure of Ardre Church VIII to a concrete text.
17 and 19. Two men in a fishing boat
The two men in the small boat directly under the hull of the large sailing ship and the building with the cattle at the bottom of the picture surface. According to earlier research, these representations are almost unanimously linked to Þórr when he fishes for the Midgard Serpent. The myth of Þór's fishing adventure with the Midgard Serpent (miðgarðsormr) is reproduced in Snorri' s Gylfaginning and in the Edda song Hymiskviða , further in some skaldic poems from the 9th and 10th centuries, especially in Ragnarsdrápa (str. 14-19) by Bragi inn gamli Boddason, in Húsdrápa ( str. 3-6) by Úlfr Uggason and in Þórsdrápa (str. 1-3) by Eysteinn Valdason. While Snorra-Edda and Hymiskviða contain a narrative context and depict the fishing adventure in a more detailed way, the skaldic stanzas offer illuminating insights into the immediate confrontation between the god and the monster. Admittedly, the stories between the Snorre and Edda songs vary considerably, especially in terms of prehistory and the outcome of the plot (Hymiskviða: the serpent dies; Snorra Edda: the serpent lives on to the end of the world). But from now on, the literary evidence agrees: Together with the giant Hymir, Þórr rows out in a boat to fish in the sea. As bait on the fishing lines, the god uses the head that he has torn off from one of Hymir's oxen. Þórr captures the Midgard serpent, pulls the beast up to the railing and intends to kill it with a hammer in the Edda with success, while the giant at Snorri's first cuts off the fishing line with a knife. To the comparatively numerous literary evidences is added a group of pictorial monuments from the Viking Age, namely the 11th century runestone from Altuna (U 1161), the Viking Age picture stone from Thy (North Jutland) , and the 10th century relief stone slab from Cumberland . Another very simplified representation of Þór's fishing catch could be found on the runestone from Linga in Överjärna, Södermanland (Sö 352) from the first half of the 11th century (Sven B. F. Jansson and was most recently cited by Roger Wikell ).

To this group of iconographic evidence, since Lindqvist, the Gotland picture stone from Ardre church VIII has also been included. The figures identified as Þórr and Hymir are directly under the hull of the large sailing ship. According to Lindqvist's interpretation, the figure on the left in the boat wears a chin beard and appears to let his arms hang down. The figure on the right is shapeless, and in Lindqvist's painting there are various serrated continuations or edges that cannot be determined. On the right, a rod protrudes from the stern of the boat that is thicker at one end, a rudder or a strap. From the left side of the boat, another pole protrudes and turns into a mysterious toothed object or touches it. In his book "Gotlands Bildsteine" Lindqvist writes that in this boat presentation "[...] [habe] man Thurs Fischfang zu sehen geglaubt". However, I have not been able to find any older literature in which this interpretation would have been presented, with the exception of a contribution by Lindqvist himself. Lindqvist bases his interpretation on the following: "Es ist nicht zu leugnen, dass das Aussehen des Köders, der von dem wahrscheinlich mit zwei Personen bemannten Kahn ausgeworfen ist, für diese Annahme spricht. Der Köder ähnelt nämlich auffallend einem Stierkopf." However, no conclusions can be drawn from this statement on the basis of the painting supplied by Lindqvist. Two slightly thinner zigzag patterns protruding from the underside of the object may resemble horns. For the rest, the image lacks form and can hardly be deciphered. Furthermore, Lindqvist writes: "Möglicherweise hat man auch darunter, auf einer durch Fusstritte böse beschädigten Partie längs der Borte, die Midgårdschlange, wie sie gerade im Begriff ist anzubeissen." . In Lindqvist's depiction of the picture stone, you can actually see a field that has been saved at the time of painting. There it looks as if a wide band runs out from the border towards the image field. It ends just in front of the supposed ox's head, and here there is an elongated, vertical section with small serrated marks at the upper end, reminiscent of a jaw full of teeth. It looks as if a huge snake is wallowing into the field of view and nibbling at the bait.
Furthermore, Lindqvist writes: "Sollte diese Deutung zutreffend sein, so könnten wir uns vorstellen, dass noch ein oder zwei Szenen aus demselben Mythus auf Ardre VIII veranschaulicht worden sind, und zwar die Szene, wo Tor sich den eben erwähnten Köder dadurch verschafft, dass er in die Tierhürde geht, bzw. wie er die Hürde wieder verlässt, in der Gesellschaft des Riesen und mit dem Köder auf dem Rücken" (below, in the middle of the image field. To the left, next to the enclosed space, the "enclosure", stands a male figure approaching a cattle that is apparently standing inside the enclosure and appears to be tethered. It is noteworthy that there is a serrated image both on the fishing line and on the man's shoulder in the cattle enclosure, which makes Lindqvist's interpretation seem plausible.
It is difficult to find evidence for Lindqvist's statement that the bait would be strikingly [!] like an ox's head . It is astonishing that so many scientists have subscribed to his view, without it ever being elucidated concretely and without the picture being described in detail. After the digital examination of the party, it appears that none of the serrated elements are particularly elongated and (as in the case of Altuna and Gosforth) stand out so much that one could think of a horn. Even assuming that there are two serrated markings for the ox's ears and two for the horns, there are two left over. In addition, they are placed in an incomprehensible way and the proportions do not match. The picture resembles many things, but not an ox's head. Notions of a possible pictorial interpretation seem to me to be part of a pre-iconographic, descriptive level, which is impermissible from a methodological point of view. It's closer to assuming that we're dealing with a big fish or a fish-like sea creature. The serrated marks could be perceived as dorsal, thoracic, abdominal, and possibly anal or caudal fins, and the end of the image running at an acute angle could be perceived as a head. That interpretation is also not entirely satisfactory. Furthermore, the very wide line that runs out to the left of the boat opens into a paddle-shaped continuation so that the object resembles a golf club and should perhaps actually be perceived as a paddle oar or a rudder. It touches only slightly on the "bait".
In the lower left corner, below the boat discussed above, is a square with a checqered pattern, reminding of a fishing net. A similar motif can be noticed on Överhogdal II (Franzén and Nockert 1992, p. 46 Fig. 40), right above the horse-and-sleigh equipage. Franzén and Nockert have not commented on it and Horneij interpreted this motif as a grated gate (Horneij 1991, p. 58), but Ulla Oscarsson identifies it as a game board (Oscarsson 2010, p. 30; Kitzler Åhfeldt, forthcoming).
14. Cow shed
The structure furthest down on the stone with an ox and two men, the left of which carries a bulky object, is often discussed together with the two small fishing boats.
Lindqvist's assumption that the bait would have been picked up in the cowshed does not seem very credible either. If you take a closer look at the zigzag pattern object on the man's shoulder, you can see that to the right of the two lower toothed lines there is another line. Also to the right, next to the two upper serrated lines, you can see an engraved line on the human body, which may indicate that there is another serrated line running in front of the human body. Where the man's hand must be, there is another line that goes up. The object depicted here must probably be perceived as an oblong object with symmetrical lines, i.e. an image resembling a spruce. It's similar to 1.) Not at all an ox's head and differs 2.) Also evident from the asymmetrical serrated image in the boat scene. Noteworthy is 3.) that none of the serrated images bears any resemblance to the head of the cattle, which the Ardre master has reproduced in a very apt and clear way in the scene where the "theft of the chaff" is described. Against the interpretation of the cattle scene, which was supposed to be about how Þórs robbed the bait, there are 4.) Philological concerns are also mentioned: Only in Hymiskviða is the place where Hymir's ox belongs mentioned – it is a forest (scógr) and not a cowshed or pasture. 5.) There are alternative interpretations: Buisson sees in the scene when the Aesir Óðinn, Loki and Hǫnir steal the ox and the figure in the middle, according to him, is Loki. He has armed himself with a pole (bar) to fend off the giant Þjazi who had attacked the beef ("Loki [...] greip up mikla stǫng [...].") . This makeshift weapon had apparently been depicted by the Ardre master, according to Buisson, as an uprooted tree placed on Loki's shoulder (Marold has in mind a [not literary] battle between the god Þórr and a mythical bull. Marold [1998] tries to connect all the images in the lower part of the stone with Þórr). This proposal is no less convincing than Mr Lindqvist's interpretation of the ox's head.
The reading and interpretation of the toothed image at the fishing line and the image of the man's shoulder in the cow house remains, on reflection, extremely dubious. It is also noteworthy that neither of the two figures in the boat holds a hammer-like object in their hand and that neither foot protrudes from under the boat. The characteristic elements from Altuna, Gosforth and Hørdum are completely missing!
The outer line of the edge can be traced all the way to the fish in the lower stage from the fishing trap. The surface between this line and the shaft of the fishlight is strewn with irregular furrows. In the upper field, which reaches up to about the same height as the seat of the kneeling male figure, and in the right field, the structure with furrows is reinforced. The part of the field below the left is less structured and has a more cohesive, smooth (i.e. more worn) surface. But it is still clearly provided with furrows. These furrows are obviously traces of the careless and incompletely executed chiselling. They characterize the background surfaces and should not be considered as embossed fields when interpreting the image. That the master from Ardre has partly deepened the background fields very thoroughly with the chisel becomes evident when looking at the interior of the "cowshed". In this case, the demarcation between the plane relief and the background surface is clear and unambiguous. In other areas of the image surface, the stonemason has worked less carefully and only marked the background fields with a few chisel strokes, simply leaving behind larger unprocessed areas.
This can be observed, for example, in the scene with the imprisoned men on the right next to the large ship (Oehrl 2019, plate 232b, 233a-c), which Buisson has brought together with the Vǫlsunga saga and which has already been mentioned above. To the right, next to the two imprisoned men, you can see a woman. Between the woman's back and the edge border there is a gap, a background field, which is marked only by a few irregular depressions and otherwise corresponds to the raised, polished relief surface. Lindqvist did not paint it. This also applies to the area above the woman's head and some other parts of the stone. The area directly to the left next to the boat with the supposed ox's head used as bait, above the bait and below the stern of the large sailing ship is also in the same way. The lower half of Lindqvist's alleged Midgard serpent, which he omitted from the painting, actually consists of background fields and should have been painted black. You could say that the result was wrong because of this "omission".
The area between the border and the kneeling male figure, where Lindqvist apparently believed the giant snake's head and jaws were located, also shows chisel marks and larger sunken surfaces. Inside this irregular structure, however, two vertical, slightly curved stripes can be isolated, which the artist has apparently carved out in relief. The oval gap between the right stripe and the back of the kneeling male figure has hardly been worked with the chisel and has been left elevated. This oval surface is not part of the pictorial representation. The rounded continuation in which this oval background surface merges after Lindqvist's painting is only faintly visible, but has some depressions. This is probably also to be perceived as a largely left behind background party.
The result of the new investigation by studying the 3D images suggest the following: There could not have been any representation of a larger snake-like creature in the place wrongly marked by Lindqvist. The only verifiable relief depiction underneath the serrated image consists of two almost vertical stripes, the meaning of which is still enigmatic. For the description that I have prepared, there may definitely also be evidence of older, unpublished photos from the 1930s of the unpainted stone that is at the Antiquarian Topographical Archive (ATA) in Stockholm. A remarkable drawing has been preserved in the Stockholm archives (undated but probably from the early 1900s), where – according to my post-reproduction – the elongated stripes behind the back of the kneeling human figure are perceived exclusively as serrated relief fields and are carefully reproduced. This structure can also be partly sensed in Olof Sörling's drawing from around 1910 (Lindqvist 1941/1942 I fig. 140). The surrounding areas and the spaces below them are still open to interpretation.
In fact, in the reception of Lindqvist's interpretation of the fishing scene from Ardre Church VIII, one could also note occasional sceptical tones. The peculiar shape of the "ox's head" and the lack of an unambiguous representation of the snake have obviously caused a certain discomfort to other specialist colleagues. Brøndsted already notes that the Midgard Serpent could only be sensed "with good intentions" (Brøndsted 1955, p. 95; cf. Meulengracht Sørensen 1986, p. 262. It is unclear to me why Marold (1998, p. 41) believes that the Midgard Serpent at Ardre Church VIII most resembles the serpent on the runestone from Altuna "[...] auf dem sie ebenfalls als ein in sich verschlungenes Knäuel dargestellt [sei]" (" [...] where it is also supposed to represent a thrown club.")). Kabell thinks that the ox's head looks "ziemlich unförmig" (Kabell 1976, p. 125 ("rather shapeless")). Cöllen writes that "[...] It doesn't look like a fish but is also hard to identify as an ox's head." (Cöllen 2011, p. 50). Even Fuglesang lacks a clear representation of the Midgard Serpent and the god's foot under the boat (Fuglesang 1993, p. 697; Fuglesang 2007, p. 198). Heizmann, on the other hand, rightly states that the alleged bait only appears "[...] in Form eines nicht näher bestimmbaren Gegenstandes [...]' and that '[die] Schlange selbst [...] nicht zu sehen [sei]." Cöllen agrees and writes: "Taken together, these motives make it likely that, despite the ambiguity of the images, it is Þór's fishing trip that is depicted [...]" (Cöllen 2001, p. 51).
In order to maintain the thesis of the chaff, it would be necessary to assume that the images should be read from the bottom up, something that is very unusual, at least in continental art from the early Middle Ages and the High Middle Ages – as well as in book painting of the Carolingian period (That this affects the art of picture stone is shown by Eshleman in 1983). If you read the pictures from top to bottom, you should think about whether it is a sea creature that is caught and then transported to the cowshed. However, no similar story has been passed down in Old Norse literature. Incidentally, the depiction of the many-headed creature is between the cowshed and the boat. The two scenes are thus separate from each other, and it is still doubtful whether there is any direction of reading in this jumble of images at all.
Perhaps two other observations resulting from the examination of the picture stone could support the Þórr interpretation. In contrast to Lindqvist's painted depiction, the figure on the right side of the boat appears to be raising one arm. In Lindqvist's work, the shape and gesture of the figure are very unclear, but I still think I can discern a vertical recess that separates the figure's raised arm from the chest and body part. I can't tell if the figure is holding up an object in the air that might be aimed at the man in front. Could it possibly be about the giant Hymir trying to stop the god by cutting off the fishing lines, which is not only passed down by Snorri (Gylfaginning Ch. 48, Faulkes 2005, p. 45) and Bragi (Ragnarsdrápa Str. 19, Finnur Jónsson 1912-1915 A I, p. 4; B I, p. 4), but also in the pictorial monuments from Hørdum and Gosforth? Or could it perhaps be about Þórr himself punishing the giant with a fist punch, as told by both Snorri and Úlfr Uggason (Húsdrápa Str. 6, Finnur Jónsson 1912-1915 A I, p. 137; B I, p. 129)?
The second observation concerns the figure on the left side of the boat. According to Lindqvist's painting, the figure's hanging arms end at the level of the railing, while the hands are not visible. However, in low oblique lighting and deep shadow, you can clearly see that the man's arm, which is depicted on the right side, reaches all the way down to the hull of the boat and probably turns into a fist. Would this conspicuous positioning of the fist allude to the recorded event that occurs both in Gylfaginnung and in Þórsdrápa by Eysteinn Valdason (str. 3) (Finnur Jónsson 1912-1915 A I, p. 140; B I, p. 131)? There, the serpent tears at the reefs with such force that the god's fists strike against the ship's railing. "Miðgarðsormr gein yfir oxahǫfuðit en ǫngullinn vá í góminn orminum. En er ormrinn kendi þess, brá hann við svá hart at báðir hnefar Þórs skullu út á borðinu." (Faulkes 2005, p. 44). I do not believe that these observations are sufficient to support Lindqvist's interpretation. Nevertheless, they can form the basis for a discussion.
The result of Oehrl’s investigation it is that it is unlikely that there would be a representation of Þór's fishing catch after the Midgard Serpent on the Gotland picture stone from Ardre church VIII. (Oehrl, forthcoming).
Other perspectives and interpretations
The stone is one of the key monuments among the Gotland picture stones and have many interpreters in a large number of publications, whereof only a selection is cited here. As this stone has close similarities to GP 5 Alskog Tjängvide (G 110), these two stones are often treated together. Anders Andrén has pointed out that the two variants of pictorial composition represented by the C-stones and D-stones, respectively, could be related to epic narrative versus wisdom poetry (1989, pp. 297–318; 1993, pp. 39–40). The two variants show iconographic translations of two literary styles in the Poetic Edda (Andrén 1989, p. 297; 1993, p. 40). Others have explored the Viking Period gender roles, for example Eva Maria Göransson investigated which postures and attributes signified men and women respectivley (Göransson 1999) and Michaela Helmbrecht has compared the imagery on Ardre VIII, together with other C/D-stones, with Snorri Sturluson’s Skáldskaparmál (Helmbrecht 2012, p. 83). Helmbrecht suggests that the traditional stories may have served to instruct the younger generation in the appropriate behaviour as man or woman (Helmbrecht 2012, p. 90).

Turning to a handcraft and workshop perspective, the picture stones GP 21 Ardre Church VIII, GP XX Alskog Tjängvide I, GP XX Alskog Church and GP XX Gothem Church III have been brought together by Lindqvist in a subgroup called "Tjängvidegruppe" (Lindqvist 1941/1942 I pp. 49 f.). In the case of the "Tjängvide Group", it is probably about works made by a school or an individual artist (Lindqvist 1941/1942 I p. 49). The use of identical stencils at Ardre Church VIII and Alskog Tjänstvide I supports this assumption (Kitzler Åhfeldt 2009, pp. 141-144; Kitzler Åhfeldt 2012, pp. 189-193; Kitzler Åhfeldt 2015, pp. 412-414). Alskog Tjängvide and Ardre VIII are so similar in composition that they have long been considered the work of the same stone-carver or the same workshop (Fig. 14; Christiansson 1952-67, p. 459; Wessén in Gotlands runinskrifter 1962, p.194; Wilson 1995, p.64; Lamm 2006, p.8).

A study of 3D-models in 2008 revealed that several of the motifs on Alskog Tjängvide and Ardre VIII actually had been drawn using the same templates (Kitzler Åhfeldt 2022, p. XX). These motifs include the equestrian, the dog (or wolf?) and some of the knots (Kitzler Åhfeldt 2015a, pp. 412–414). In addition, it could be seen clearly that although the same template had been used for the mounted warrior (or more neutral: rider), the attribute in the hand of the rider had been exchanged. An alternative is that the carver of the Ardre stone did not grasp that the cup was included in the template, but thought it was a part of the warrior’s arm, and therefor had to add on the large beaker, or mallet-like object. (Kitzler Åhfeldt 2022, p. XX). Ardre VIII shows an inflexible approach to the motif. On Ardre VIII the horse had been crammed into the available space without adapting its shape or size, with the result that its hindlegs and tail came into conflict with the border ornament. This implied carelessness or lack of skill or, viewed in more positive terms, that priorities laid elsewhere. As for the dog-like creature, its outer contours on the two stones coincide, but they have been executed differently in their details: the nose, paws, and tail seem to be drawn in a more schematic way on Ardre VIII than on Alskog Tjängvide. Where the paws of the dog on the latter stone are softly rounded, they are sharply cut off on the dog on the former. It can be seen that the templates have been applied with varying skill or care, which could be understood two carvers with different degrees of proficiency, for example a master and an apprentice, had been cooperating and sharing the same templates (Kitzler Åhfeldt 2015a, p. 423). The use of templates has several possible implications. Firstly, it can be seen in the light of handicraft organization, where e.g. a master and an apprentice in a workshop could use the same templates (Kitzler Åhfeldt 2009, 2015). However, it can also be seen in the perspective of composition of tales and stories, i.e. a counterpart in material culture to the composition of oral poetry, where the template in the picture stone workshop may correspond to a scald’s prefabricated narrative units, that is as building blocks for telling a story (Frog 2014, p. 281; Kitzler Åhfeldt 2022).

With regard to the knotwork, we can note the occurrence of several variants. Here, too, the same templates have been used on Alskog Tjängvide as on Ardre VIII. At the base of Ardre VIII there is a horizontal border of knots containing a ‘paw’-detail. The closest parallels are to be found on jewellery decorated in Broa-style, which Wilhelm Holmqvist considered to be created under influence from the Insular area (Holmqvist 1977). The initial visual impression is that the knots lie in pairs, so that the first two knots belong together and are crowded against the junction with the next pair. Only the inner contours coincide from knot to knot, more precisely the two roundels that contain paws. The outer contours and intersections differ. To the extent that a template has been used for these paw-knots it seems that it merely consisted of an inner figure-of-eight, while the outer contour of the knots and details were formed more freely. This is reminiscent of the method of working in the construction of interlace ornament in manuscripts, where the holes rather than the intersections are used for guidance. The same method was used for interlace ornament on Anglian sculpture in Northumbria (Adcock 1978, p.34).

Cecilia Ljung has studied the Ardre monuments from the perspective of resuse and argues that both the monuments themselves and their reuse in the church represent very deliberate engagements with the past, actions that alluded to a network of relations stretching out in time and space (Ljung, forthcoming).

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Type and Dating
Type C/D. 9th-10th century.
The dating of Ardre VIII is closely related (same workshop) to the Alskog Tjängvide stone, which has a runic inscription dated to the second half of the 10th century (Snædal 2002, p. 64; see also Imer 2001/2004; Imer 2012; Oehrl 2019, pp. 8-21).

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References
Pipping 1900, 1901; Brate 1902; Noreen 1904; Lindqvist 1941/42 I, figs. 139 & 140, II, p.11, II, p. 21, fig. 311; Lindqvist 1970, Skalk nr:2; Buisson 1976; Hauck 1977; Moltke 1979; Trotzig 1981; Andrén 1989, 1993; Marold 1998; Kitzler Åhfeldt 2012, 2015; Oehrl 2017, 2020.

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